A statute�s words do not tell how the law will be
interpreted and applied.
All laws are expansively interpreted. For example:
- The Racketeer
Influenced Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) was directed at
drug lords. Nothing in the law says anything about divorce; yet it soon
was applied in divorce cases.
- The 1964 Civil
Rights Act explicitly bans racial quotas and defines racial
discrimination as an intentional act. Yet, quotas were imposed by the civil
rights bureaucracy on the basis of the 1964 Act, and intent was
replaced by statistical disparity.
- The Clean Water Act
makes no reference to wetlands and conveys no powers to the executive
branch to create wetlands regulations. Yet, for example, Ocie and Carey
Mills, who had a valid Florida state permit to build a house, were
imprisoned by federal bureaucrats, who claimed jurisdiction under the
Clean Water Act. The bureaucrats ruled that the clean dirt used to level
the building lot constituted discharge of pollutants into the navigable
waters of the U.S. No navigable waters were involved, and according to the
state of Florida, no wetlands.
- The Exxon Valdez accident
was criminalized. An unintentional oil spill became the intentional discharge
of pollutants without a license, and the bird kill became killing
migratory birds without a license. An accident was prosecuted as crimes of
intent.
Well-informed attorneys can provide many examples. Others are
documented in The
Tyranny of Good Intentions. Awareness of what can be pulled out of even
clearly written laws is essential to the preservation of civil liberty.
With this in mind, consider the David Ray Hate Crimes
Prevention Act of 2009.
Opponents criticize the bill for adding a second punishment
to existing punishments for acts of violence. Assault, murder, rape are crimes
regardless of motivation. The penalties are sufficient, or can be made so,
without applying a new crime of motivation that creates specially protected
classes, such as homosexuals and minorities. To commit a violent act against a
member of a specially protected class will carry a heavier punishment.
How will a court know whether a violent act was committed
because of hatred or because of sexual lust or the need for money? As case law
is made, the likely direction will be to eliminate intent. The issue will be
resolved by whether the attacked person is a member of a protected class.
The mugger who beats as well as robs a victim who turns out to be homosexual or
Jewish will have committed a �hate
crime.�
It will prove difficult to separate speaking against
members of protected classes, or criticizing their practices, from hate.
The two things are easily conflated. Once enacted, �hate crimes� will become independent of specific violent acts. An
eventual likely outcome will be that speaking against members of specially
protected classes will itself become a violent act of inciting violence.
Since the passage of the Global
Anti-Semitism Review Act in 2004, the US Department of State is required to
monitor anti-Semitism worldwide. The State Department is not required to
monitor anti-Americanism or sentiments against Christians, Muslims or Arabs.
Thus, the act created a specially protected class worthy of careful monitoring
by the US Department of State of negative sentiments expressed against Jews.
In order to monitor anti-Semitism, the term must be defined.
The definition is subjective and will be widely, rather than narrowly,
interpreted.
The State Department has come up with its attempt. The State
Department�s approach could include any truthful statements
about Israel and its behavior toward the Palestinians that the Israeli government
or AIPAC or the Anti-Defamation League would deny or contest.
Anti-Semitic speech can be interpreted as inciting hatred.
Inciting hatred can be interpreted to be a violent act. �Excessive� criticism of Israel
is a subjective, indefinable concept that can be used to determine anti-Semitic
speech. It is easy to conflate �excessive�
with �strong.�
Thus, demands that Israel be held accountable for war crimes
committed in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, or elsewhere become acts of the �hate crime� of anti-Semitism.
Paul
Craig Roberts [email
him] was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury during President
Reagan�s first term. He was Associate Editor of the Wall Street Journal. He has
held numerous academic appointments, including the William E. Simon Chair,
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University,
and Senior Research Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He was
awarded the Legion of Honor by French President Francois Mitterrand. He is the
author of Supply-Side
Revolution : An Insider�s Account of Policymaking in Washington; Alienation
and the Soviet Economy and Meltdown:
Inside the Soviet Economy, and is the co-author with Lawrence M.
Stratton of The
Tyranny of Good Intentions : How Prosecutors and Bureaucrats Are Trampling the
Constitution in the Name of Justice. Click here for
Peter Brimelow�s Forbes Magazine interview with Roberts about the recent
epidemic of prosecutorial misconduct.