Seven newly released memos from the Bush Justice Department
reveal a concerted strategy to cloak the president with power to override the
Constitution. The memos provide �legal� rationales for the president to suspend
freedom of speech and press; order warrantless searches and seizures, including
wiretaps of U.S. citizens; lock up U.S. citizens indefinitely in the United
States without criminal charges; send suspected terrorists to other countries
where they will likely be tortured; and unilaterally abrogate treaties.
According to the reasoning in the memos, Congress has no role to check and
balance the executive. That is the definition of a police state.
Who wrote these memos? All but one were crafted in whole or
in part by the infamous John Yoo and Jay Bybee, authors of the so-called
�torture memos� that redefined torture much more narrowly than the U.S.
definition of torture, and counseled the President how to torture and get away
with it. In one memo, Yoo said the Justice Department would not enforce U.S.
laws against torture, assault, maiming and stalking, in the detention and
interrogation of enemy combatants.
What does the federal maiming statute prohibit? It makes it
a crime for someone �with the intent to torture, maim, or disfigure� to �cut,
bite, or slit the nose, ear or lip, or cut out or disable the tongue, or put
out or destroy an eye, or cut off or disable a limb or any member of another
person.� It further prohibits individuals from �throwing or pouring upon
another person any scalding water, corrosive acid, or caustic substance� with
like intent.
The two torture memos were later withdrawn after they became
public because their legal reasoning was clearly defective. But they remained
in effect long enough to authorize the torture and abuse of many prisoners in
U.S. custody.
The seven memos just made public were also eventually
disavowed, several years after they were written. Steven Bradbury, the
Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General in Bush�s Department of Justice,
issued two disclaimer memos -- on October 6, 2008 and January 15, 2009 -- that
said the assertions in those seven memos did �not reflect the current views of
this Office.� Why Bradbury waited until Bush was almost out of office to issue
the disclaimers remains a mystery. Some speculate that Bradbury, knowing the
new administration would likely release the memos, was trying to cover his backside.
Indeed, Yoo, Bybee and Bradbury are the three former Justice
Department lawyers that the Office of Professional Responsibility singled out
for criticism in its still unreleased report. The OPR could refer these lawyers
for state bar discipline or even recommend criminal charges against them.
In his memos, Yoo justified giving unchecked authority to
the president because the United States was in a �state of armed conflict.� Yoo
wrote, �First Amendment speech and press rights may also be subordinated to the
overriding need to wage war successfully.� Yoo made the preposterous argument
that since deadly force could legitimately be used in self-defense in criminal
cases, the president could suspend the Fourth Amendment because privacy rights
are less serious than protection from the use of deadly force.
Bybee wrote in one of the memos that nothing can stop the
president from sending al Qaeda and Taliban prisoners captured overseas to
third countries, as long as he doesn�t intend for them to be tortured. But the
Convention Against Torture, to which the United States is a party, says that no
country can expel, return or extradite a person to another country �where there
are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being
subjected to torture.� Bybee claimed the Torture Convention didn�t apply
extraterritorially, a proposition roundly debunked by reputable scholars. The
Bush administration reportedly engaged in this practice of extraordinary
rendition 100 to 150 times as of March 2005.
The same day that Attorney General Eric Holder released the
memos, the government revealed that the CIA had destroyed 92 videotapes of
harsh interrogations of Abu Zubaida and Abd al Rahim al Nashiri, both of whom
were subjected to waterboarding. The memo that authorized the CIA to
waterboard, written the same day as one of Yoo/Bybee�s torture memos, has not
yet been released.
Bush insisted that Zubaida was a dangerous terrorist, in
spite of the contention of one of the FBI�s leading al Qaeda experts that Zubaida
was schizophrenic, a bit player in the organization. Under torture, Zubaida
admitted to everything under the sun -- his information was virtually
worthless.
There are more memos yet to be released. They will
invariably implicate Bush officials and lawyers in the commission of torture,
illegal surveillance, extraordinary rendition, and other violations of the law.
Meanwhile, John Yoo remains on the faculty of Berkeley Law
School and Jay Bybee is a federal judge on the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. These
men, who advised Bush on how to create a police state, should be investigated,
prosecuted, and disbarred. Yoo should be fired and Bybee impeached.
� 2009 Copyright Marjorie Cohn, GlobalResearch.ca
URL of this article: http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=HUD20090223&articleId=12418
Marjorie Cohn is a professor at
Thomas Jefferson School of Law and president of the National Lawyers Guild. She
is the author of Cowboy Republic: Six Ways the Bush Gang Has Defied the Law and
co-author of Rules of Disengagement: The Politics and Honor of Military
Dissent, which will be published this spring. Her articles are archived at www.marjoriecohn.com.