On Sunday September 7,
2008 -- in a dramatic move reminiscent of the announcement of the Bear Stearns
takeover a few months earlier -- Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson told the world
that the giant �government sponsored enterprises� Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae
would be placed under the conservatorship of the U.S. government. Under the new
plan, implied U.S. government backing now became explicit government backing.
$100 billion dollars of taxpayer money was pledged to each entity to keep them
viable enough to attract international investors.
As early as Monday,
September 8, reports began circulating that �The government�s takeover of
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac may lead to one of the largest ever payments in the
credit default swap market . . . Losses to protection sellers, however, are
expected to be minimal because of the high trading levels of the $1.6 trillion
of outstanding Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac debt.� (Reuters, September 9, 2008,
International Herald Tribune).
A Bloomberg report put
another twist on this particular derivatives blow-up story when it related that
�Thirteen �major� dealers of credit-default swaps agreed �unanimously� that the
rescue constitutes a credit event triggering payment or delivery of the
companies� bonds, the International Swaps and Derivatives Association said in a
memo . . .� (Fannie, Freddie
Credit-Default Swaps May Be Settled by Oliver Biggadike and Shannon D.
Harrington)
In other words, the
government takeover of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae was not so much a bailout of
Freddie/Fannie as it was a bailout of the derivatives industry. Thus, and
reading between the lines of the Freddie/Fannie rescue, one analysts told the
reader to �imagine betting on a default, getting it, and losing your ass. It
seems to me that is what happened.� Among the betting winners are the 13
�major� dealers of credit-default swaps . . . and PIMCO. The losers? U.S. taxpayers
and small banks and investors holding F(annie)& F(reddie) preferreds and/or
F(annie) &F(reddie) common. (Big Non-Event In Fannie, Freddie Credit
Default Swaps, Mike Shedlock)
Unhappily for taxpayers,
reports of long-standing �Enron-style� accounting problems with Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac have been provided to Congress. For example, in 2003 testimony to
Congress, Peter Wallison asserts that �From press accounts, it appears that
Freddie attempted over many years to manage its earnings by manipulating the
valuation of its derivatives . . .� (TESTIMONY on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac by
Peter J. Wallison before the House Subcommittee on Commerce, Trade and Consumer
Protection: July 22, 2003.)
One week after news of
government takeover of Freddie and Fannie, the Bank of America purchased the
ailing Merrill Lynch, and the 158-year-old Lehman�s -- standing in stark
contrast to the Bears Stearns bailout months earlier -- was allowed to go into
bankruptcy. Simultaneously, word began to leak out that the mammoth insurance
giant AIG was facing a �short-term� liquidity crisis -- and to make matters
worse, alarm bells were also going off about Morgan Stanley and that �national
treasure� Goldman Sachs.
To stem the rising
panic, the privately owned Federal Reserve announced Monday, September 15, that
it would provide an $85 billion loan of taxpayer-backed dollars to AIG, in
exchange for a nearly 80 percent stake in the insurer. In other words, �The
banking industry just bought the world�s largest insurance company, and they
used federal money to do it.� (It�s the Derivatives Stupid by Ellen Brown.)
Then, on Thursday,
September 18, the Fed announced that it would add another $180 billion to the
effort being coordinated by central banks around the world to inject
�liquidity� into the global financial system. This $180 billion was in addition
to the $67 billion already pledged, for a grand total of $247 billion of
taxpayer money pledged to keep the global financial system from seizing up.
Despite the roughly half-trillion
of taxpayer dollars already used for bailouts and liquidity injections, the
financial system still hovered on the brink of collapse late Thursday,
prompting the Friday morning announcement of a plan to allow Freddie Mac and
Fannie Mae to purchase problematic derivatives -- which were, as everyone knew,
the root cause of the still looming threat of seize-up of the markets.
Estimates were that perhaps as much as $1 trillion dollars -- or even far more --
of additional taxpayer money might be needed to prop up what some have called
the �shadow banking system.� The alternative we were all told was much worse.
So it is that Warren
Buffet�s prophetic words penned in a 2002 letter to Berkshire Hathaway shareholders
that �derivatives are financial weapons of mass destruction, carrying dangers
that, while now latent, are potentially lethal� have taken on a palpable
reality. Unfortunately -- and despite repeated warnings from Mr. Buffet and
many others before and since -- the growth of the global derivatives markets
over the last six years has escalated beyond comprehension or belief.
Mind-numbing numbers
tell the tale. For example, when Buffet penned those extraordinary words in
2002, the derivatives trade had grown worldwide to an estimated $100 trillion,
from an estimated $40 trillion a little over a year earlier. As of June 2007, a
mere five years later, they totaled an estimated $516 trillion according to the
Bank of International Settlements, or BIS. (Triennial Central Bank Survey of
Foreign Exchange and Derivatives Market Activity in 2007 -- Final results press
release, December 19, 2007) Even more eye-popping third quarter figures were
given in an article appearing in Bloomberg last December, which began with
�Derivatives traded on exchanges surged 27 percent to a record $681 trillion in
the third quarter, the biggest increase in three years, the Bank For
International Settlements said.� (Derivative Trades Jump 27 percent to Record
$681 Trillion by Hamish Risk)
Located in Basel,
Switzerland, the BIS officially acts as the world�s �clearinghouse� for central
banks. However, a somewhat more apt description is provided by analyst Paul B.
Farrell, who likened the BIS to �the cashier�s window at a racetrack or casino,
where you�d place a bet or cash in chips, except on a massive scale: BIS is
where the U.S. settles trade imbalances with Saudi Arabia for all that oil we
guzzle and gives China IOUs for the tainted drugs and lead-based toys we buy.�
(Derivatives Are the New Ticking Time Bomb, Paul B. Farrell)
How can we comprehend
such staggering numbers and the kinds of activities that may be associated with
them? We can start by looking at what the real economy is producing versus what
is taking place in the newly burgeoning �global casino.� As of June of last
year, total world GDP stood at $52 trillion whereas worldwide derivatives
contracts amounted to some $516 trillion -- which means that gambling out-paced
the production of real goods and services by a factor of ten to one. Today the
ratio may well be too outrageous to mention in polite circles.
What accounts for such
incendiary and disproportionate growth in the global derivatives trade? How
might it be contributing to our economic and social woes? And, lastly, can the
current monetary system indeed be saved from the imminent collapse that such
numbers portend?
The answers to these
questions are immediately important, for the course we take now will set us on
a path toward peace and abundance for all, or propel us ever faster
toward certain global economic meltdown and, to borrow Mr. Buffet�s phrase,
mass destruction.
Derivatives may seem
to have sprung up out of nowhere. However, senior economist and policy adviser
at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas Thomas F. Siems points out that Aristotle�s
writings provide an example of the world�s first options contract -- a type of
derivative -- occurring some 2,500 years ago. This type of derivatives contract
was developed as a method by which a farmer could protect himself from downward
fluctuations in the value of his crops.
These contracts,
offered by the farmer for a fee, allowed him to secure buyers for his crops
months before the crops were even planted -- so long as the farmer agreed in
advance to sell his crops for a set price. If the price of crops at time of
harvest were significantly higher than the contract price, the buyer got his
goods at a bargain price and the farmer got the contract fee to help make up
the difference. If, on the other hand, crop prices were significantly lower at
harvest time, the buyer could walk, but the farmer had the contract fee as a
hedge against his loss. These were relatively straightforward contracts,
particularly when compared to the far more complex financial instruments
derivatives have evolved into today.
What are derivatives?
Former merchant banker-turned-novelist Linda Davies provides the wonderfully
succinct description of derivatives as �bookie transactions once removed,
taking a bet on a bet.� More pedagogically speaking, derivatives are complex
financial instruments that are merely a promise to convey ownership at
some later date. Their value is derived from fluctuations in the value of an
asset, rather than from the asset itself. Thus, they themselves do not constitute
ownership of an asset and so have no intrinsic value. Rarely is the asset in
question ever exchanged, since the primary objective of these contracts is to
realize profits or hedge against losses.
In addition and as Mr.
Buffet so richly put it: �Essentially, these instruments call for money to
change hands at some future date, with the amount to be determined by one or
more reference items, such as interest rates, stock prices or currency values .
. . The range of derivatives contracts is limited only by the imagination of
man (or sometimes, so it seems, madmen) . . . [So] say you want to write a
contract speculating on the number of twins to be born in Nebraska in 2020. No
problem -- at a price, you will easily find an obliging counterparty.� (Berkshire
Hathaway 2002 Annual Report )
The primary purpose of
modern day derivatives is ostensibly to reduce risk for one party (such as a
farmer) or group (such as tulip growers), although a cascading web of interconnected
�counterparties to risk� may be, and increasingly are connected to these
transactions. The secondary purpose for investing in derivatives is, of course,
to gamble that your bet on a future asset valuation will win -- and bring in
�fast money� for you with no investment in the asset, and at minimal upfront
cost.
Common derivative
contract categories include options, swaps, forwards and futures. Although some
argue that the lines have been blurred in recent years, there are two main
methods for trading in derivatives: over-the-counter or OTC and exchange
traded.
Futures for example
are typically exchange-traded. Because they must go through a clearinghouse,
the parties to exchange-traded futures contracts are required to maintain
deposits whose size depends on the contracts, similar in nature to the role
that capital requirements play for banks. And unlike over-the-counter trades
which are privately negotiated agreements between two parties, buyers and
sellers of exchange-traded securities must make a contract with the
clearinghouse. This means these contracts must be standardized in such a way as
to allow buyers and sellers the ability to know what it is they are buying and
selling -- thus creating a level of transparency that is non-existent in OTC
trades.
As part of the
�secondary� market, over-the-counter trades also include stocks, bonds, and
commodities, and it is in this market that the bulk of derivatives are traded.
In contrast to traditional trading floor operations, OTC trades take place in a
decentralized global marketplace, where geographically disconnected dealers
conduct business electronically via faxes, telephones, and computers. The scale
and speed with which these transactions occur further reduces transparency and
significantly impairs regulatory oversight.
The SEC has deemed OTC
traded stocks to be �extremely risky.� The Morningstar group takes this
assessment a step further when it says that �Trading in OTC stocks is a lot
like gambling, and it is not something we recommend for beginners.�
Not surprisingly, a
certain exclusivity is built into OTC markets in particular, with trading
taking place among brokers -- who arrange transactions between buyers and
sellers -- and dealers, who are people and firms within the securities business
that own securities and trade for their own accounts. In truth this is the
domain of heavy rollers who play a high stakes game with pricey entrance fees.
This fact creates a series of related problems because, as Mr. Buffet details, �Large
amounts of risk, particularly credit risk, have become concentrated in the
hands of relatively few derivatives dealers, who in addition trade extensively
with one other. The troubles of one could quickly infect the others. On top of
that, these dealers are owed huge amounts by non-dealer counterparties. Some of
these counterparties, as I�ve mentioned, are linked in ways that could cause
them to contemporaneously run into a problem because of a single event (such as
the implosion of the telecom industry or the precipitous decline in the value
of merchant power projects). Linkage, when it suddenly surfaces, can trigger
serious systemic problems.�
The recent growth of
the OTC derivatives trade has been nothing short of phenomenal. For example, analyst
Kevin McFarland relates in an article for Advanced Trading that �Since 2002,
the outstanding notional value of all OTC interest rate, currency, credit and
equity derivatives has grown nearly 30 percent a year. Additionally, between
2006 and 2007 that growth rate rose to over 40 percent . . . As of mid-2007
(the latest available data), there was over $400 trillion� with a T �of
notional value in outstanding OTC derivative contracts.�
Leveraging is a major
fault line embedded within various derivatives products, including futures,
options, swaps, margin and other financial instruments. While the �effect� of
borrowing is implicitly built into the cost of purchasing the derivative
contract itself, derivatives allow considerable leverage without any actual
borrowing -- or for that matter investment in an asset.
Opportunity for profit
is of course maximized considerably by leveraging. However risky derivatives may
be, the lure of potentially huge profits and �fast money� makes these kinds of
�bets on bets� as irresistible as they are deadly.
Next, Part 2: A Faustian Bargain
Geraldine Perry is co-author of The Two Faces of
Money and is also the creator and manager of the related website: thetwofacesofmoney.com which includes recent reviews. This website
also has an abundance of related material and links, along with a free, down
loadable slide presentation describing the two forms of money creation and the constitutional
solution, which is not the gold-backed dollar as popularly believed. Geri holds
a Master�s Degree in Education and is also a Certified Natural Health
Consultant. As a means of imparting accurate information on health and
nutrition to as broad an audience as possible she developed the web site thehealthadvantage.com.