When President George W. Bush presented his budget proposals
recently for the fiscal year 2008, he emphasized that the nation�s security is
his highest priority, and he backed up that declaration by proposing that the
Pentagon�s outlays be increased by more than 6 percent beyond its estimated
outlays for fiscal 2007, to a total of more than $583 billion. Although many
Americans regard this enormous sum as excessive, hardly anyone appreciates that
the total amount of all defense-related spending greatly exceeds the amount
budgeted for the Department of Defense. Indeed, it is roughly almost twice as
large.
In the fiscal year 2006, which ended last September, the
Pentagon spent $499.4 billion. Lodged elsewhere in the budget, however, other
lines identify funding that serves defense purposes just as surely as --
sometimes even more surely than -- the money allocated to the Department of
Defense. On occasion, commentators take note of some of these additional
defense-related budget items, such as the Department of Energy�s
nuclear-weapons programs, but many such items, including some extremely large
ones, remain generally unrecognized.
Since the creation of the Department of Homeland Security,
many observers probably would agree that its budget ought to be included in any
complete accounting of defense costs. After all, the homeland is what most of
us want the government to defend in the first place.
Other agencies also spend money in pursuit of homeland
security. The Justice Department, for example, includes the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, which devotes substantial resources to an anti-terrorist
program. The Department of the Treasury informs us that it has �worked closely
with the Departments of State and Justice and the intelligence community to
disrupt targets related to al Qaeda, Hizballah, Jemaah Islamiyah, as well as to
disrupt state sponsorship of terror.�
Much, if not all, of the budget for the Department of State
and for international assistance programs ought to be classified as
defense-related, too. In this case, the money serves to buy off potential
enemies and to reward friendly governments who assist U.S. efforts to abate
perceived threats. About $4.5 billion of annual U.S. foreign aid currently
takes the form of �foreign military financing,� and even funds placed under the
rubric of economic development may serve defense-related purposes indirectly.
Money is fungible, and the receipt of foreign assistance for
economic-development projects allows allied governments to divert other funds
to police, intelligence, and military purposes.
Two big budget items represent the current cost of defense
goods and services obtained in the past. The Department of Veterans Affairs,
which is authorized to spend more than $72 billion in the current fiscal year,
falls in this category. Likewise, a great deal of the government�s interest
expense on publicly held debt represents the current cost of defense outlays
financed in the past by borrowing from the public.
To estimate the size of the entire de facto defense budget,
I gathered data for fiscal 2006, the most recently completed fiscal year, for
which data on actual outlays are now available. In that year, the Department of
Defense itself spent $499.4 billion. Defense-related parts of the Department of
Energy budget added $16.6 billion. The Department of Homeland Security spent
$69.1 billion. The Department of State and international assistance programs
laid out $25.3 billion for activities arguably related to defense purposes
either directly or indirectly. The Department of Veterans Affairs had outlays
of $69.8 billion. The Department of the Treasury, which funds the lion�s share
of military retirement costs through its support of the little-known Military
Retirement Fund, added $38.5 billion. A large part of the National Aeronautics
and Space Administration�s outlays ought to be regarded as defense-related, if
only indirectly so. When all of these other parts of the budget are added to
the budget for the Pentagon itself, they increase the fiscal 2006 total by
nearly half again, to $728.2 billion.
To find out how much of the government�s net interest
payments on publicly held national debt ought to be attributed to past
debt-funded defense spending requires a considerable amount of calculation. I
added up all past deficits (minus surpluses) since 1916 (when the debt was
nearly zero), prorated according to each year�s ratio of narrowly defined
national security spending -- military, veterans, and international affairs --
to total federal spending, expressing everything in dollars of constant
purchasing power. This sum is equal to 91.2 percent of the value of the
national debt held by the public at the end of 2006. Therefore, I attribute
that same percentage of the government�s net interest outlays in that year to
past debt-financed defense spending. The total amount so attributed comes to
$206.7 billion.
Adding this interest component to the previous all-agency total,
the grand total comes to $934.9 billion, which is more than 87 percent greater
than the Pentagon�s outlays alone.
If the additional elements of defense spending continue to
maintain the same ratio to the Pentagon�s amount -- and we have every reason to
suppose they will -- then in fiscal year 2007, through which we are now
passing, the grand total spent for defense will be $1.028 trillion. I confirmed
the rough accuracy of this forecast by adding up the government�s own estimates
of fiscal 2007 outlays for the various additional defense-related items,
obtaining a total of $987 billion -- an amount only 4 percent less than my
ratio-based estimate. Future defense-related supplemental appropriations for
fiscal 2007, which would hardly be surprising, might easily bring the lower
estimate up the higher one.
Although I have arrived at my conclusions honestly and
carefully, I may have left out items that should have been included -- the
federal budget is a gargantuan, complex, and confusing collection of documents.
If I have done so, however, the left-out items are not likely to be relatively
large ones. (I have deliberately ignored some minor items, such as the outlays
of the Selective Service System and the National Defense Stockpile and the
Treasury�s program to block financial flows to terrorists.) Therefore, I
propose that in considering future defense budgetary costs, a well-founded rule
of thumb is to take the Pentagon�s (always well publicized) basic budget total
and double it. We may overstate the truth, but if so, we�ll not do so by much.
For now, however, the conclusion seems inescapable: the
government is currently spending at the rate of approximately $1 trillion per
year for all defense-related purposes. Moreover, even if I have erred in my
calculations and overstated the correct amount somewhat, the total will
certainly reach this astonishing sum very soon, given all the plans and
programs already set in motion.
National
Security Outlays in Fiscal Year 2006 (billions of dollars) |
Department of Defense | 499.4 |
Department of Energy (nuclear weapons & environ.
cleanup) | 16.6 |
Department of State | 25.3 |
Department of Veterans Affairs | 69.8 |
Department of Homeland Security | 69.1 |
Department of Justice (1/3 of FBI) | 1.9 |
Department of the Treasury (for Military Retirement Fund) | 38.5 |
National Aeronautics & Space Administration (1/2 of
total) | 7.6 |
Net interest attributable to past debt-financed defense
outlays | 206.7 |
Total | 934.9 |
Source: Author�s
classifications and calculations; basic data from U.S. Office of Management
and Budget, Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2008
and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States,
Colonial Times to 1970. |
Robert Higgs is Senior Fellow in Political
Economy for The Independent Institute and Editor of the Institute�s quarterly
journal The Independent
Review. He received his Ph.D. in economics from Johns Hopkins University,
and he has taught at the University of Washington, Lafayette College, Seattle
University, and the University of Economics, Prague. He has been a visiting
scholar at Oxford University and Stanford University, and a fellow for the
Hoover Institution and the National Science Foundation. He is the author of many
books, including Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy.