The phrase, �You
break it, you own it,� that Colin Powell applied to Bush�s adventure in Iraq
was totally out of context then and seems completely absurd now. America broke
it, it�s true, but our inept leaders wouldn�t know what to do with all the
pieces that are now Iraq. Glue them back together? Not in a hundred years! And
the White House is in a daze these days not having a clue as to what to do
next.
Escalation of the
war is in this case, just as it was with Vietnam, but a way to prolong
suffering for innocent people while bringing additional collateral destruction
to a nation already in ruins. If the Pentagon needs to test Lt. Gen. David Petraeus�
academic-military genius, they need to be reminded of their failure four
decades ago with the strategy of wonder-boy, warrior-theoretician, Robert
McNamara. Wise up! Let these bright people perform their postdoctoral research
in endeavors that have human value and not criminal prowess.
If Iraqis are to
have a future and put their lives back together, America must exit now, while
the 2 million Iraqis who have gone into exile -- many of them professionals --
are enticed to return to their land to help put back together the pieces of
this Humpty Dumtpy that the United States is leaving for them.
By now, we mean an
orderly de-occupation of all American forces in a period of six to 12 months . .
. with no American bases left in that nation, gifting the recently built
billion-dollar embassy in Baghdad as headquarters for a brand new Iraqi
Confederation, for no other political arrangement would make sense now for
those 25 million people.
If America wants
eventual peace in the region, and to make amends for its colossal error of
invading Iraq, it should set up immediately a round table where Sunni, Shiite
and Kurds can sit; and also invite as concerned guests -- and not just
observers -- the Arab League, Turkey and Iran. And with all parties there ready
to find equitable peace, and a way to draft a common future, America should
preface any negotiations by presenting two timetables; one, where troops would
exit Iraq in an orderly fashion within a period of six to 12 months; the other,
where Americans would be expeditiously exiting the country.
During the prologue
to the negotiations by the three major groups vying for their share of power in
Iraq, America would make clear to all parties that it is ready to pay billions
in reparations for the reconstruction of the country if hostilities would come
to a halt during this year as American troops pull-out. If civil war ensues,
all parties at the table would be admonished that the exit of American troops
would not only be swift but that there would be no present or future
reparations . . . none.
Most Americans are
not predisposed to accept blame for anything related to world affairs or
international politics, and have a definite aversion to the mere mention of war
reparations -- �aid� would be a more accommodating word to save face. Vietnam
was left in shambles, and the word reparations was not even a murmur in either
Nixon�s White House or the State Department. So why would the US pay
reparations to Iraq?
I can think of
three valid reasons. First, the prospect of reparations (or aid) would provide
great incentive for peace and reconciliation of all Iraqi sub-nations and
warring factions, particularly if other nations in the region are willing to
match this sacrifice by the American people in footing the bill. Second, it
would be a fiscally sound decision for America, since a continuation of the
conflict in Iraq would end up costing Americans considerably more in both
dollars and blood. Third, and most important, it would be the right and ethical
thing to do. Yes, �we broke it, we must pay to have it fixed,� but only by
those who best know how, the Iraqis. The American corporate world should be
totally left out of the reconstruction effort; and if American citizens feel a
moral obligation to help, they should do so in some form of a civilian, peace
reconstruction corps that would be specifically created for that purpose.
And just who would
be sitting at that table? The leaders of the three peoples, or their
representatives -- pacifists or militants -- would claim their seats, as would
the envoys of the guest nations. For those questioning as to who those leaders
are, don�t lose any sleep over it. Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds know who their
leaders are without the need of elections to so determine. It is us, Americans,
the heralds of democracy, who end up electing -- or so we think -- our
leadership among politicians who more often than not turn out to be
self-serving duds, particularly those who gain seats in Congress or get to live
in the White House.
In his desperation,
blindfolded by a lack of common sense and reason, Bush continues searching for
a mythical victory in Iraq, while success for everyone, including the great
majority of people in America, could be defined simply as peace. It is not
saving face that is important, but rather showing that ours is still a face
showing humanity. And if peace rules the day for Iraq, it can also do the same
for Afghanistan and for the Holy Land . . . something that could happen in all
three places, simultaneously and without delay.
There�s absolutely
no reason for all these talks not to be taking place now, today, other than the
prospect of little people with big egos not wanting it that way. But, to our
misfortune, it�s these little people who determine our fate . . . individuals
who refuse to acknowledge the mistakes they make, mistakes that the rest of us
of necessity sooner or later must pay for. Let�s pay for the Iraq error now,
while we can still afford it, before it�s too late; otherwise, when it comes to
terror . . .�We ain�t seen nothing yet.�
� 2007 Ben Tanosborn
Ben
Tanosborn, columnist, poet and writer, resides in Vancouver, Washington (USA),
where he is principal of a business consulting firm. Contact him at ben@tanosborn.com.