It is said that there is
more than one way to skin a cat. It seems that United States is trying to skin
this cat -- Iran -- in anyway that it can, including economic strangulation.
While people are concerned with Iraq and the gathering armada in the Persian
Gulf, the United States has been quietly carrying out a not so covert economic
war against Iran.
Since the 1979 revolution
in Iran, the country has been under constant US unilateral sanctions. "The
first U.S. sanctions against Iran were formalized in November of 1979, and
during the hostage crisis, many sanctions were leveled against the Iranian
government. By 1987 the importation of Iranian goods into the United States had
been banned. In 1995, President Clinton issued Executive Order 12957, banning
U.S. investment in Iran's energy sector, followed a few weeks later by
Executive Order 12959 of May 6, 2000, eliminating all trade and investment and
virtually all interaction between the United States and Iran."
[1]
Despite the sanctions Iran
continued to attract foreign investment and technical cooperation for its
energy sector. Countries such as France, Italy and others took advantage of
absence of the American competition and tried to fill the gap. However, the
threat of American retaliation kept the investment way bellow the desired
levels. It only allowed Iran to continue to keep its oil export at its OPEC
determined quota level.
The
economic chokepoint: Oil & gas
"According to the Oil
and Gas Journal, as of January 1, 2006, Iran held 132.5 billion barrels of
proven oil reserves. This figure, which includes recent discoveries in the
Kushk and Hosseineih fields of Khuzestan province, means Iran holds roughly 10
percent of the world's total proven reserves. The vast majority of Iran's crude
oil reserves are located in giant onshore fields in the south-western Khuzestan
region near the Iraqi border. Overall, Iran has 40 producing fields -- 27 onshore
and 13 offshore. Iran's crude oil is generally medium in sulfur and in the
28�-35� API range." [2]
There is no doubt that
Iranian economy is driven by oil. Oil revenues constitute over 70 percent of
its total export earnings and 50 percent of its GDP. Iran�s oil revenues were
$32 billion in 2004, $45.6 billion in 2005, and according to Iran's National
Oil Company international affairs director, Hojjatollah Ghanimifard, will reach
$52 billion by the end of the Iranian calendar year (21 March 2007).
Iran currently produces
about 4 million barrels of oil per day, of which only 2.5 million barrels are
exported with the remaining 1.5 million barrel being consumed internally.
According to the latest report (26 Dec 2007) by the National Academy of Sciences
of the United States (NAS), if the current increase in local Iranian oil
consumption continues and the current decline in oil production is not stopped,
then by 2015 Iran�s oil export will decline to zero. [3] According to this and
other reports Iran needs to invest about $2.5 billion a year just to stand
still. Iran is not running out of oil, but needs money to maintain old fields
and bring the new fields online.
The existing major oil
fields in Iran are: Ahwaz (1958), Aghajari (1936), Gacchsaran (1937) and Marun
(1963). These four fields together, during their highest output, produced
almost 4.5 million barrel of oil per day. All four reached their peak in the
late '60s to mid '70s. According to Mathew R. Simmons by 2003, these four
oilfields� combined production were reduced to 1.7 million barrel per day. [4]
The current US strategy is
to starve the Iranian oil and gas industries of new investments, thereby
reducing the Iranian government�s revenues which are hoped will in turn reduce
Iran�s ability to maintain not only its armed forces, but also the government�s
social obligations to its people (subsidies, salaries, etc.). It is hoped that
this combined with international isolation and (with the help of Saudi Arabia)
a reduction in oil prices (OPEC crude basket price: $51.25 per barrel on
8/1/07) will not only cripple the Iranian economy, but also (possibly) lead to
a regime change. All attacks on the economy were being presented under the
guise of stopping Iran from developing weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and,
in particular, nuclear weapons.
The attack on the Iranian
economy started in earnest in early 2006. The United States began putting
considerable pressure on international banks and financial institutions to cut
their ties with Iran. Countries also were pressured to reduce their economic
contact with Iran. For example beside the usual behind the scene warnings and
threats, in September 2006, US Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson, Jr., used
his first meeting of world financial chiefs as a venue for the Bush
administration's mission to isolate Iran.
"Emerging from a
meeting of finance ministers representing the Group of Seven industrialized
nations, Paulson said he urged his counterparts to intensify efforts to prevent
banks and private companies in their countries from being used as unwitting
conduits for financing and materials aiding Iran's ambitions." [5]
Later under pressure from
the US some three top Japanese banks: Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ, Mizuho
Corporate Bank and Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp announced that, in line with US
financial sanctions, they will refrain from working with Iran's state-run Bank
Saderat of Iran (with 3,400 branches in Iran). Recently another major Iranian
Bank with some foreign branches is being targeted for a freeze of assets and
sanctions. "Bank Sepah International Plc (BSIP), incorporated in the
United Kingdom, specializes in providing finance and services for international
trade worldwide with a particular focus on Iran and the Persian Gulf region,
according to its Web site. The bank is a wholly owned subsidiary of Bank Sepah,
Iran, which was established in 1925 and is the oldest of the Iranian banks.
Bank Sepah has a large network of branches in Iran as well as offices in Paris,
Frankfurt and Rome". [6]
The pressure was also felt
by Indian and Swiss banks as well. In mid 2006 the State Bank of India (SBI),
the only Indian bank operating in Iran (with a token presence) came under
intense pressure to quit Iran [7].
Other banks that succumbed
to the pressure were USB AG (took over Banco Pactual S.A. in 2006) and Credit
Suisse Group of Switzerland (controlling group of other banks such as: Bank
Leu, Schweizerische Volksbank, Neue Aargauer Bank, Winterthur, and Donaldson,
Lufkin & Jenrette Inc.). UBS AG, Europe's largest bank by assets, also cut
all business ties with Iran in January 2006 and met with U.S. legislators in
April 2006 about its transfers of U.S. banknotes to the Islamic Republic.
Credit Suisse Group, Switzerland's second-biggest bank, also quit Iran in
January. Other Banks to quit or restrict their activities in Iran were: ABN
AMRO of Holland and London-based HSBC.
These were just a few
example of United States� indirect financial pressure on Iran. Governments,
companies and financial institutions are under intense pressure to terminate
all dealings with Iran. But so far Iran has managed to sustain, albeit with
great difficulty, its oil industry and keep its financial institutions
functioning.
Iran�s
strategy
Iran facing the American
financial attack on its oil facilities has been quick to seek other venues for
both investment in its oil facilities and financial transactions. Iran facing a
increasingly hostile US and Europeans has turned to Russia and China for
investment and technical know-how for its oil and gas industries. China has the
needed financial muscle and enough thirst for energy to disregard American
pressures. China is already investing heavily in Iranian oil fields, securing
for itself a portion of the oil and gas reserves. China with 1.3 billion people
and fast growing economy is already the second largest oil consumer in the
world. If China�s economic growth continues, it is estimated that by 2020
China�s energy needs will increase by 150 percent.
"China's expectation
of growing future dependence on oil imports has brought it to acquire interests
in exploration and production in places like Kazakhstan, Russia, Venezuela,
Sudan, West Africa, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Canada. But despite its efforts to
diversify its sources, China has become increasingly dependent on Middle East
oil. Today, 58 percent of China's oil imports come from the region. By 2015,
the share of Middle East oil will stand on 70 percent. Though historically
China has had no long-standing strategic interests in the Middle East, its
relationship with the region from where most of its oil comes is becoming
increasingly important." [8]
Last year China signed oil
and gas contracts worth over $100 billion with Iran. China is heavily involved
in developing the huge Yadavaran oil field. "If completed, the deal will
allow China to buy 150,000 barrels of Iranian crude a day at market rates for
25 years as well as 250 million tons of liquefied natural gas. Under an initial
agreement signed by the Sinopec Group in October 2004, China could pay Iran as
much as $100 billion for the stake and the purchases of oil and gas over 25
years." [9] Interestingly Royal Dutch Shell Plc works as technical
consultant for Sinopec on Yadavaran field.
On 25 December 2006,
National Offshore Oil Corp of China announced the signing of a $16 billion memorendom
of understanding to develop Iran�s North Pars gas field and build liquefied
natural gas (LNG) plants in Iran. The project is expected to take eight years
to complete.
Russia is also interested
to enter the lucrative Iranian oil and gas market. According to Moscow Times,
the Russian oil company LUKoil is about to sign a contract for producing oil
from Iran�s Azadegan field [10]. There are also Russian companies vying for
entry into the Iranian market. "Mashna Uqua Company has offered National
Iranian South Oil Company (NISOC) to apply the new technology to improve ROR at
one of Iranian oil reserves, the source who wanted not to be identified told
the Mehr News Agency. The technology includes the injection of a gel into oil
reserve, which prevents rush of water into the reserve and thereby improving
the ROR, the source elaborated." [11]
Russia is also very
interested in creating a gas cartel, similar to OPEC. Recently, a senior
Russian parliamentarian called for creation of a producers� cartel to "stand-up"
to the consumers� cartel.
"It is necessary to
form a gas alliance, which could be joined by Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan,
Uzbekistan, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus," the head of the Russian
parliament's energy committee Valery Yazev said Monday, RIA-Novosti reported.
"Tomorrow, with the removal of the problem of Iran's nuclear program, I
would also see Iran in this alliance," Mr Yazev said, speaking at a
meeting of the Russian Gas Union industry group, which he also heads. [12]
It is no secret that
Russia is using its energy resources to gain maximum commercial and political
advantage in its dealing with the EU and others. Gazprom is already a mighty
oil giant and is moving fast to become the world�s leading supplier of Gas as
well. Russia is trying to monopolise the gas market. The only potential
competitor to Gazprom would be Iran. If Russia manages to create a gas cartel
with Iran, Europe will become a captive market with few options for its gas
supplies.
Local
energy consumption
As was above mentioned, of
the 4 million barrel per day oil production about 1.5 million barrel is
consumed locally in Iran. Iran has a burgeoning car industry with the majority
of cars produced for local market. There are over 3 million cars in Tehran
alone; with nearly half of them being dilapidated old gas-guzzlers. Each year
the country has to import billions of dollars of fuel. Iran�s refineries can
only supply 42 million litres of petrol a day, while the demand is for 70
million litres. This means that Iran imports over 30 million litres of petrol a
day; something that is costing the country huge amounts of hard currency.
Petrol is heavily
subsidised and a gallon of petrol costs only 35 cents. These subsidies have
resulted not only in smuggling of petrol to the neighbouring countries but also
a major financial drain on the government�s finances. Iran needs to reduce both
its consumption and increase its refining capacity.
To increase refining
capacity, Iran has begun building new refineries both inside and outside the
countries. Iran has planned joint ventures for building refineries in Syria
[13], Venezuela [14] and Indonesia [15]. In addition, Iran has planned several
refineries inside Iran, with the latest being a possible joint venture with
Essar of India [16].
To reduce consumption, the
government has planned a new petrol rationing system. However, rationing by
itself will not address Iranians� addiction to cheap petrol. The only solution
is the normalisation of the prices, which, because of the political situation,
is highly unlikely.
Another major drain on the
economy of Iran is its natural gas consumption. Iran "has one of the most
extensive residential heating infrastructures in the world, with homes in the
most remote villages warmed toastily with inexpensive natural gas. Total
domestic energy subsidies cost $20 billion to $30 billion a year" [17].
Recently, Iran had to stop delivery of gas to Turkey because of a sudden rise
in local demand. The government, it seems, has not decided yet if it wants the
gas for export, heating homes, creating energy intensive industries or for
injecting into the oil wells. But regardless of the choices it makes, the
government knows that it cannot continue indefinitely with the current level of
subsidies.
What
now?
The current American
financial attacks on Iran are being felt in Tehran. These attacks, although a
recurring theme, have never been as intense as it is now. These attacks will
cause some pain in Tehran but will not dissuade the government to abandon its
nuclear ambitions. Iran in all likelihood will address (short term) its
production problems and will reduce its local consumption by increasing the
prices (adding to an already high inflation) and rationing. These attacks do
and will hurt Iran, but not to a degree that the United States desires. These
attacks, although severe, can be seen by some in Iran as a blessing in
disguise, for it now forces the Iranians to address some unpleasant questions
with regard to their economy in general, and energy consumption and subsidies
in particular.
Iran suffers from many
economic problems most of which are related to over-involvement of the
government in the economy. Some of the financial problems can be attributed to
the sanctions, but the majority of the existing economic problems are
self-made. Weak management, inefficient use of resources, corruption, red-tape
and a myriad of regulations are just a few among many problems that are facing
the Iranian economy. These problems were not created by President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, nor can they all be solved by him; however people expect him to
address many of these problems. This is what I call Ahmadinejad�s Achilles�
heel, which I shall address in my next article. Ahmadinejad was elected mainly
for his promise of putting more bread on Iranian tables. With the enormous
problems facing him, it is difficult to see how he is going to fulfill his
promises to the electorate.
Meanwhile, the Bush
administration is bent on regime change in Iran, reducing all chances of a
peaceful resolution to the existing US-Iran problems. One would have expected
that the recent election defeat would have sent a clear signal to the White
House that the American people want less and not more conflict in the region.
But apparently the Bush administration is going in the opposite direction. The
US is continuing to increase its naval presence in the Persian Gulf. The USS
John C. Stennis strike group will is soon join the USS Dwight Eisenhower aircraft
carrier group and USS Boxer strike force in the Persian Gulf "as a warning
to Syria and Iran." Pushing for more stringent UN sanctions, use of
unilateral sanctions, increasing pressure on foreign governments to stop
dealing with Iran, putting sanctions on Iranian banks and increasing the size
of US Navy's presence in Persian Gulf are all signs of hostile intentions by
the Bush administration towards Iran.
It is difficult to see how
United States expects Iran to cooperate on Iraq and Afghanistan, while being
threatened militarily and suffocated economically. It may also all be a
negotiating tactic. First show the guns and then negotiate. But in my opinion
this is neither a bluff nor a negotiating tactic. The Bush administration is
behaving like a gambler that has lost everything except his house. Now, in one
last desperate attempt, it is raising the bet to all or nothing. Let us hope
that the Democrats will stop Bush before he accidentally or by design starts
another war in an already volatile region.
References
1. Ali Mostashari, "The
Impacts of U.S. Sanctions on the Iranian Civil Society: Consequences for
Democratization," Iranian Studies
Group @MIT, June 2004
2. Energy Information
Administration, "Iran:Oil," Country Analysis Brief, 2006
3. Roger Stern, "The Iranian petroleum crisis
and United States national security,"
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States", Dec
26, 2006.
4. Mathew R. Simmons, "Twilight
in the Desert: the coming Saudi oil shock and the world economy", Wiley,
2005. pp. 299
5. Washington Post, "Finance
chiefs are pressed on Iran,"
September 17, 2006
6. Haaretz, "U.S. expected to announce
sanctions on major Iranian bank," January 9, 2007
7. India Times, "US
wants SBI to quit Iran," June
05, 2006
8. Institute for Analysis
of Global Security, "Fuelling
the dragon: China's race into the oil market"
9. Bloomberg, "Iran
Invites Sinopec Head to Sign $100 Billion Oil, Gas Deals," 25 November 2006
10. The Moscow Times, "LUKoil Signs
Iranian Oil Field Contract,"
December 12, 2006. Issue 3559
11. Mehr News, "Russia offers
Iran new tech to improve oil ROR,"
11 December 2006
12. News.com, "Russia
calls for gas alliance with Iran,"
October 31, 2006
13. Lebanies Lobby.org, "Iran
expands links with Syrians,"
December 30, 2006
14. Fars News, "Venezuela to
Supply Irans Petrol Needs," May 31,
2006
15. Houston Chronicle, "Iran to
Invest $600M in Indonesian Fuels,"
April 28, 2006
16. Earth Times.org, "Essar to build
refinery in Iran," January 8, 2007
17. Los Angeles Times, "U.S. targets Iran�s
vulnerable oil," January 8, 2007
Copyright � 2007 Abbas Bakhtiar. All rights reserved.
Dr. Abbas Bakhtiar lives in Norway. He is a
management consultant and a contributing writer for many online journals. He's
a former associate professor of Nordland University, Norway. Email him at Bakhtiarspace-articles@yahoo.no.