Thousands of faithful assiduously listened as I outlined the
challenges facing Palestine
and its people. Cries of �Allahu Akbar� -- God is Great -- occasionally
resounded from a corner of the giant South African mosque. Many whimpered as I
described the tragedy that had befallen Gaza
as a result of the Israeli siege. They cheered, smiled and nodded as I
emphasized how the will of the Palestinian people would not be defeated. A few
older people at the front simply wept throughout my talk, which preceded a
Friday sermon in Durban a few months ago.
If passion and kindness were powerful in and of themselves,
then the compassion that poured from those Muslim faithful could surely better
the world in a myriad ways. The sheer love and concern displayed by men and
women of different races, age groups, class affiliation and languages was most
uplifting and validating.
As a collective, Palestine
and its struggle for freedom and justice is closer to the hearts and minds of
Muslims all over the world than any other group I have reached out to. To
garner support among Muslims, one is never obligated to make a case, to
justify, or to respond to accusations heralded from left and right. Needless to
say, Muslim affinity to Palestine
is historic, based on Islamic principles articulated in the Holy Quran and the
Sunnah (the legacy of Prophet Mohammed).
But over time, something went astray. While the sentiment
remained strong, there was little unity in the way in which the energy was
harnessed, or the consensus galvanized. In their attempts to reach out to
Muslims, many manipulated the genuine feelings of ordinary Muslims for
personal, political, ideological and even financial reasons. Various Muslim
leaders, organizations, and individuals presented a limited understanding of
the situation in Palestine,
and offered an exclusivist roadmap as to how the agonizing conflict could be
resolved.
The result was most disappointing. There was no clear
strategy, no attempt at relevance, and no tangible difference to be yielded
from the support of hundreds of millions of Muslims worldwide.
In a way, such failure is symptomatic of a much greater
ailment that has long befallen Muslims. After the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the concept of Muslim Ummah (nation) -- demarcated
by real spatial and political lines -- was replaced by references to a nation
that existed within indefinable intellectual boundaries. This concept was
shrewdly patronized by various Arab and Muslim leaders throughout history, who
insisted that they -- and they alone -- represented the political centrality of
that impalpable Muslim body. Therefore, owing to the centrality of the
Palestinian cause to Islam, these leaders also adopted the Palestinian cause as
there own, even if that relationship remained confined to fiery speeches and
heart-rendering Friday sermons.
In other words, Palestine,
for many Muslims existed as part of a collective imagination, solidified with
unifying symbols such as al-Aqsa Mosque, and references to specific verses in
the Holy Quran. Such tactics worked wonders, as helpless but fervent Muslims
donated generously, or chanted the name of whomever posed as the savior of the
�Islamic land of Palestine� and its holy mosque.
Ultimately, that rapport yielded three distinct groups. The
first group is largely content with the mere designation of Palestine as a �Muslim cause,� which they can
serve through the occasional donation and regular supplication for Muslim
victory in Palestine.
Another group comprises those who have grown cynical of the mainstream Muslim
interpretation of Palestine,
and who have become increasingly radicalized and isolated. The third group is
completely disenchanted, and thus removed.
Predictably, none of these groups was affectively involved
in contributing to a long-term strategy of bringing the Israeli occupation to
an end, or to empowering the Palestinian people in their resistant to achieve
such an outcome.
Meanwhile, the Second Palestinian Intifada (uprising) of
2000 defined and successfully galvanized a growing international movement
around Palestine.
In this movement, Muslims, as a group, were no longer a primary contributor.
There were a few resulting gains, such as depriving Israel and its allies from
reducing the conflict to that of religious war, with Israel naturally serving
the role of the bulwark of Judeo-Christian values. But there was also much to
lose, as millions of ardently passionate supporters of the Palestinian cause
reverted to their role of mass protest, flag-burning and angry chanting. That
image too, was cleverly manipulated, especially after September 11, to link Palestine to Muslim
extremism. Many were driven to believe that every bearded Muslim was somehow
linked to al-Qaeda.
The rise of Hamas as a political power in the Palestinian
elections of 2006 once again reaffirmed the Muslim relevance to Palestine. Hamas� attempt
at exploring its �strategic depth� by reaching out to Muslim countries did not
translate into the desired political gains, but it did enliven the more or less
dormant Muslim link to Palestine
and to the conflict as a whole. More, thanks to Hamas� ability to impress
itself as a long-term actor in the conflict, some Muslims outside Palestine began
exchanging sentimentalities with real political language. Meanwhile, many
Muslim communities tried to find practical platforms to express their
solidarity and to aid the Palestinian people, with Gaza representing the primary rally cry.
Unfortunately, some resorted to the same exclusivist
language of the past, itself rich in religious positivism. This may not always
be intentional, but it is likely to weaken international solidarity, or, at
best, relegate Muslim relevance to a group of people whose link to Palestine is merely
religious.
At this advanced stage of the solidarity, which shows Palestine once again at
the top of international agenda -- including in civil societies around the
world -- Muslims must redefine their link to Palestine, based on the values and principles
reflected in Islam. But they must also present it in a universally shared
ideal, speaking a unified and unifying language. While they must proudly
embrace their symbols, they should also understand that the fight is one for
freedoms and rights, and not specific corporeal locations.
Muslims must stand, hand in hand, with people from all
different backgrounds, not as exclusive owners of the Palestinian struggle, but
as proud contributors to a global movement that wishes to ensure that justice
is served, rights are attained and peace for all is realized.
Ramzy Baroud is an internationally-syndicated columnist
and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is �My Father Was a
Freedom Fighter: Gaza�s Untold Story� (Pluto Press, London), now available on
Amazon.com.