Richard Holbrooke likes Hillary Clinton. In fact he may well
be asked to serve as secretary of state if she wins the presidential campaign
next year. Holbrooke, a Democratic adaptation of Henry Kissinger, loves her
approach to foreign policy.
�She is probably more assertive and willing to use force
than her husband,� says Holbrooke, a former adviser to Bill Clinton. �Hillary
Clinton is a classic national-security Democrat. She is better at framing
national-security issues for the current era than her husband was at a common
point in his career.�
Holbrooke is an example of just how scary a Clinton
administration would be.
In 1975, during Gerald Ford�s administration, Indonesia
invaded East Timor and slaughtered 200,000 indigenous Timorese. The Indonesian
invasion of East Timor set the stage for a long and bloody occupation that
recently ended after an international peacekeeping force was introduced in 1999.
Transcripts of meetings among Indonesian dictator Mohamed
Suharto, Gerald Ford, and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger have shown
conclusively that Kissinger and Ford authorized and encouraged Suhatro's
murderous actions. �We will understand and will not press you on the issue [of
East Timor],� said President Ford in a meeting with Suharto and Kissinger in
early December 1975, days before Suharto�s bloodbath. �We understand the
problem and the intentions you have,� he added.
Henry Kissinger also stressed at the meeting that �the use
of US-made arms could create problems,� but then added, �It depends on how we
construe it; whether it is in self-defense or is a foreign operation.� Thus,
Kissinger�s concern was not about whether US arms would be used offensively,
but whether the act could be interpreted as illegal. Kissinger went on: �It is
important that whatever you do succeeds quickly.�
After Gerald Ford's loss and Jimmy Carter's ascendance into
the White House in 1976, Indonesia requested additional arms to continue its
brutal occupation, even though there was a supposed ban on arms trades to
Suharto�s government. It was Carter's appointee to the Department of State's
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Richard Holbrooke, now a likely candidate
to be nominated for Clinton�s secretary of state, who authorized additional
arms shipments to Indonesia during this supposed blockade. Many scholars have
noted that this was the period when the Indonesian suppression of the Timorese
reached genocidal levels.
During his testimony before Congress in February 1978,
Professor Benedict Anderson cited a report that proved there was never a US
arms ban, and that during the period of the alleged ban, the US initiated new
offers of military weaponry to the Indonesians:
�If we are curious as to why the Indonesians never felt the
force of the U.S. government�s �anguish,� the answer is quite simple. In flat
contradiction to express statements by General Fish, Mr. Oakley and Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Richard Holbrooke, at
least four separate offers of military equipment were made to the Indonesian
government during the January-June 1976 �administrative suspension.� This
equipment consisted mainly of supplies and parts for OV-10 Broncos, Vietnam War
era planes designed for counterinsurgency operations against adversaries
without effective anti-aircraft weapons, and wholly useless for defending
Indonesia from a foreign enemy. The policy of supplying the Indonesian regime
with Broncos, as well as other counterinsurgency-related equipment has
continued without substantial change from the Ford through the present Carter
administrations.�
If we track Holbrooke's recent statements, the disturbing
symbiosis between him and figures like uberhawk Paul Wolfowitz is startling.
�In an unguarded moment just before the 2000 election,
Richard Holbrooke opened a foreign policy speech with a fawning tribute to his
host, Paul Wolfowitz, who was then the dean of the Johns Hopkins School of
Advanced International Studies in Washington,� reported First of the Month,
following the "terrorist" attacks in 2001.
The article continued: �Holbrooke, a senior adviser to Al
Gore, was acutely aware that either he or Wolfowitz would be playing important
roles in next administration. Looking perhaps to assure the world of the
continuity of US foreign policy, he told his audience that Wolfowitz's �recent
activities illustrate something that's very important about American foreign
policy in an election year, and that is the degree to which there are still
common themes between the parties.� The example he chose to illustrate his
point was East Timor, which was invaded and occupied in 1975 by Indonesia with
US weapons -- a security policy backed and partly shaped by Holbrooke and
Wolfowitz. �Paul and I,� he said, �have been in frequent touch to make sure
that we keep [East Timor] out of the presidential campaign, where it would do
no good to American or Indonesian interests.�
In sum, Holbrooke has worked vigorously to keep his bloody
campaign silent. The results of which appear to have paid off.
In chilling words, Holbrooke describes the motivations
behind support of Indonesia's genocidal actions: �The situation in East Timor
is one of the number of very important concerns of the United States in
Indonesia. Indonesia, with a population of 150 million people, is the fifth
largest nation in the world, is a moderate member of the Non-Aligned Movement,
is an important oil producer -- which plays a moderate role within OPEC -- and
occupies a strategic position astride the sea lanes between the Pacific and
Indian Oceans . . . We highly value our cooperative relationship with
Indonesia."
Joshua
Frank is co-editor of Dissident Voice and author of Left
Out!: How Liberals Helped Reelect George W. Bush (Common Courage Press, 2005), and along with
Jeffrey St. Clair, the editor of the forthcoming Red State Rebels, to be
published by AK Press in March 2008.