On Saturday last, I had an intimate dinner party for close
friends. In the conduct of their lives, they are unimpeachable. They are
earnest progressives. They read The Nation, The Progressive, In These Times,
and all the other enlightened sources that 8% of Americans read. They have
targeted me steadfastly with 30 years of random and pinpointed acts of
kindness.
Yet, between me and them, across the candle-lit table,
flickers the recurring image of another scene: a photograph I have seen of
children in Gaza doing their homework to the light of a kerosene lamp. The
photographer might have been Caravaggio had he lived today and painted with the
camera: a flame at the center of the table, the pathos of the earnest
children�s faces encapsulated in chiaroscuro at the outer margins.
In the light and yet not of it.
Someone complains that John McCain ran a vicious campaign. I
quickly raise my glass to toast the chances of a guest�s son for admission to
the college of his choice. The photograph flickers its shadowing accusation of
willful banishment from my consciousness of those Palestinian children�s
chances over our raised glasses.
It isn�t fair, I think, to be so churlish. These friends
sympathize with Palestinian human rights. It�s just that they can�t talk about
it now. Their president-elect has put a pall on the issue. He has said that
�Israeli security is non-negotiable,� but he said nothing about Palestinian
human rights. In the candlelight, we all know what that means. Pointless to
talk about it. Unrealistic, too. The president-elect is not unfeeling. He had
to do what he had to do to get elected. Did we want McCain?
Vice-president-elect Joseph Biden, announced, �I am a
Zionist.� Well, how can one talk of Palestinian human rights at a liberal
dinner table without running into embarrassing apologies for compromised
governists (it�s a neologism, like �banksters�)? Can�t be done. We�re a
civilized dinner party, and we�ve just enjoyed a civilized change via civilized
elections.
In Gaza harbor, a Palestinian fishing boat, even within the
20-nautical-mile limit of the Israeli-permitted fishing area, is pounded by
Israeli water cannons. Some say the water is foul and deliberately
contaminated. Ten years ago, Palestinians hauled 3,000 tons of fish from the
sea per year. Today, they haul 500 tons. The 1.5 million Palestinian inhabitants
of Gaza go hungry.
We have consumed a satisfying meal and are now at the
dessert stage: a ricotta torte drenched in a strained sauce of warmed apricot
jam and cognac. As I bring in the coffee, another fragment of the buried story
of Palestinian suffering in Gaza intrudes: �The Government of Israel has
contended, since its implemented disengagement plan in 2005, that the Gaza
Strip is no longer under occupation, and that for that reason international
humanitarian law is not applicable.� The words of Professor of International
Law at Princeton University, Richard Falk. He was appointed on 26 March 2008 by
the United Nations Human rights Council to a six-year term as a special
investigator on Israeli actions in the Palestinian Territories. To my knowledge,
Professor Falk has not been invited to discuss Israeli �security� with the
president-elect -- possibly because the effective Israeli occupation of Gaza is
no longer a linguistic one. One can�t enter a discourse if the terms have been
removed. As academics, we know this, so we professionally comply in removing
the Palestinian �discourse� from our table.
Someone mentions Darfur. Vice-president-elect Biden is
devoted to the genocide in Darfur. I say, �There is no genocide in Darfur.�
They look up from the tea and coffee startled. The look of incredulity vanishes
as they consider the source -- their lovable but extreme friend. I don�t add,
�But there is one ongoing in Palestine.� It would be impolite. Some genocides
can be mentioned -- usually the ones that play on TV before a US bombing
campaign, like Serbia�s for example, which turned out not to have existed at
all except as propaganda for the NATO bombardment; others cannot be mentioned
-- Rwanda and East Timor, for example, when they were happening, and Palestine,
as it is happening in its ever-evolving form of ethnic cleansing.
My guests look a little restless at the table, I notice. I
have been mentally absent too long. Time to move to the comfortable chairs.
In the rooms, we come and go, talking of Michelangelo.
Nothing ever changes. Or, we make changes so that things can stay the same. I
sigh inwardly, as I turn off the lights after my reasonably satisfied guests leave
to brave the soft drizzle of a misty November night to their cars--not two
weeks after that momentous election that Lady Macbeth could have won if Richard
III had been the incumbent. Nah. My literary imagination is running away with
me. This president has no �damn spot� on his hands.
The children of Gaza? That �spot� is on all our hands. Not
all the perfumes of Arabia . . .
Richard Falk again, but this is later, after they have left,
after the gratitude and the assurances that we should meet again, soon: �Israel
has since its disengagement [in Gaza], continued to exert strict and continuous
control over the borders, entrance, and exit, airspace and territorial waters
of Gaza. In addition, it has mounted numerous military incursions and deadly
attacks on targeted individuals, and subjected the entire population of the
territory to siege conditions ever since Hamas convincingly won the general
legislative election in January 2006 and it tightened the siege after Hamas
took over Gaza in mid-June 2007.�
But there is no Israeli occupation in Gaza, and, therefore,
no need for humanitarian intervention. Some elections are more legal than
others. There are genocides in places where genocide is not happening and no
genocide at all where it is.
Luciana Bohne can be reached at lbohne@edinboro.edu.