Somehow it seemed as though the farm
had grown richer without making the animals themselves any richer -- except, of
course, for the pigs and the dogs. --George Orwell, Animal Farm
The beginning of political wisdom is the realization that
despite everything you�ve always been taught, the government is not really on
your side; indeed, it is out to get you.
Sometimes government functionaries and their private-sector
supporters want simply to bully you, to dictate what you must do and what you
must not do, regardless of whether anybody benefits from your compliance with
these senseless, malicious directives. The drug laws are the best current
example, among many others, of the government as bully. Our rulers presently
enforce a host of laws that combine the worst aspects of puritanical
priggishness and the invasive, pseudo-scientific, therapeutic state. They
tolerate our pursuit of happiness only so long as we pursue it exclusively in
officially approved ways: gin, yes; weed, no.
Notwithstanding the great delight that our rulers take in
tormenting us with their absurdly inconsistent nanny-state commands, they
generally have bigger fish to fry. Above all, the government and its
special-interest backers want to take our money. If these people ran a store,
they might aptly call it Robberies R Us. Their credo is simple and brazen: �you
have money, and we want it.�
Unlike the sincere street criminal, however, the robber in
official guise rarely puts his proposition to you in the blunt form of �your
money or your life,� however much he intends to relate to you on precisely such
terms. (If you doubt my characterization of these intentions, test what happens
if you steadfastly resist at every step as the brigands escalate their threats:
first ordering you to pay, then billing you for unpaid balances plus penalties
and interest, sending you a summons, and ultimately beating you into submission
or killing you for resisting arrest. Your sustained, open resistance always
ends in the state�s use of violence against you, in either your forcible
imprisonment or your removal from the land of the living, after which your
memory will be defamed by your designation as a criminal -- governments never
settle for mere brutality, but always supplement it with unabashed
presumptuousness.)
When I say �rarely,� I do not mean that the authorities
never carry out their plunder blatantly. Throughout the land, for example,
criminal courts, acting as de facto muggers, strip people of great sums of
money in the aggregate by fining them for conduct that ought never to have been
criminalized in the first place -- drug-law violations, prostitution, gambling,
antitrust-law violations, traffic infractions, reporting violations, doing
business without a license, and innumerable other victimless �crimes.� The
predatory judges and their police henchmen care no more about justice than I
care to live on a diet of pig pancreas and boiled dandelions. They are simply
taking people�s money because it�s there to be taken with minimal effort. In
this manifestation, government amounts to a gigantic speed trap.
The more common way for government officials to rob you,
however, involves their seizure of so-called taxes, which take countless forms,
all of which are purported to be collected in order to finance -- mirabile
dictu -- benefits for you. Such a deal! You�d have to be a real ingrate to
complain about the government�s snatching your money for the express purpose of
making your world a better place.
Sometimes the �political exchange� into which you are hauled
kicking and screaming rests on such a ludicrous foundation, however, that
honesty compels us to classify it, too, as a mugging. I have in mind such
compassionately conservative policies as stripping taxpayers of hundreds of
billions of dollars and handing the money over, for the most part, to rich
people engaged in large-scale agribusiness and, sometimes, to landowners who
don�t even bother to represent themselves as farmers. The apologies that the
agribusiness whores in Congress make for this daylight robbery are so patently
stupid and immoral that the whole shameless affair resembles nothing so much as
the schoolyard bully�s grabbing the little kids� lunch money and then taunting
them aggressively, �If you don�t like it, why don�t you do something about it?�
Every five years, when the farm-subsidy law expires and a new one is enacted, a
few members of Congress pose as reformers of this piracy, but truly serious
reforms never occur, and even the minor ones that come along from time to time
prove unavailing, as the farm-booty interests invariably suck up �emergency
relief� payments from the public treasury later on to make up for any
shortfalls from the main subsidy programs.
Government sneak thieves, in contrast, fear that they may
occupy more vulnerable positions than the agribusiness gang and similarly
impudent special-interest groups cum legislators, so they dare not taunt the
little kids so flagrantly. Instead, they specialize in legislative riders,
budgetary add-ons and earmarks, logrolling, omnibus �Christmas tree� bills, and
other gimmicks designed to conceal the size, the beneficiaries, and sometimes
even the existence of their theft. At the end of the day, the taxpayers find
there�s nothing left in the till, but they have little or no idea where all of
their money went. Finding out by reading an appropriations act is next to
impossible, inasmuch as these statutes are almost incomprehensible to everyone
but the legislative insiders and their staff members who devise them and write
them down in a combination of Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit.
For example, for many years, a single congressman from
northeastern Pennsylvania -- first Dan Flood and then Joe McDade --
substantially enriched the anthracite coal interests of that region by
inserting a brief, one-paragraph limitation rider in the annual appropriations
act for the Department of Defense. The upshot of this obscure provision was
that Pennsylvania anthracite was transported to Germany to provide heating fuel
for U.S. military bases that could have been heated more cheaply by using local
resources. This coals-to-Newcastle shenanigan was a classic sneak-thief gambit,
a thing of legislative beauty, but every year�s budget contains thousands of
schemes that operate with similar effect, if not in an equally audacious
manner.
Unlike the government sneak thieves, the government con men
openly advertise -- indeed, expect to receive great credit for -- certain uses
of the taxpayers� money that are represented as bringing great benefits to the
general public or a substantial segment of it. Surely the best example of the
con man�s art is so-called national defense, a bottomless pit into which the
government now dumps, in various forms (many of them not officially classified
as �defense�), approximately a trillion dollars of the taxpayers� money each
year. The government stoutly maintains, of course, that all ordinary Americans are
constantly in grave danger of attack by foreigners -- nowadays, by Islamic
terrorists, in particular -- and that these voracious wolves can be kept from
the door only by the maintenance and active deployment of large armed forces
equipped with ultra-sophisticated (and correspondingly expensive) equipment and
stationed at bases in more than a hundred countries and on ships at sea around
the globe.
Without dismissing the alleged dangers entirely, a sensible
person quickly appreciates that the threat is slight -- just do the math, using
reasonable probability coefficients -- whereas the cost of (purportedly)
dealing with it is colossal. In short, as General Smedley Butler informed us
more than 70 years ago, the modern military establishment, along with most of
its blessed wars, is for the most part nothing but a racket. Worse, because of
the way it engages and co-opts powerful elements of the private sector, it
gives rise to a costly and dangerous form of military-economic fascism. Lately,
the classic military-industrial-congressional complex has been supplemented by
an even more menacing (to our liberties) security-industrial-congressional
complex, whose aim is to enrich its participants by equipping the government
for more effectively spying on us and invading our privacy in ways great and
small.
Worst of all, despite everything that is claimed for the
military�s protective powers, its operation and deployment overseas leave us
ordinary Americans facing greater, not lesser, risk than we would otherwise
face, because of the many enemies it cultivates who would have left us alone,
if the U.S. military had only left them alone. (Yes, Virginia, they are over
here because we�re over there.) The president routinely declares that the
hugely increased expenditures and overseas deployments for military purposes
since 2001 have reduced the threat of terrorism, but, in fact, terrorist
incidents and deaths have increased, not decreased. Although privileged
elements of the political class gain from militarism and neo-imperialist wars,
the rest of us invariably lose economic well-being, real security, and all too
often life itself. In 2004, people who said that security against terrorism was
their top concern voted disproportionately, by an almost 7-to-1 margin, for
George W. Bush. They had been conned.
Although the mugger, the sneak thief, and the con man are
not the only types of government operatives, they make up a large proportion of
the leading figures in government today. The lower ranks, especially in the
various police agencies, have a disproportionate share of the bullies. No
attempt to understand government can succeed without a clear understanding of
these ideal types and each one�s characteristic modus operandi. With this
understanding firmly in mind, you will remain permanently immune to the
infectious swindle, �I�m from the government, and I�m here to help.� The truth,
of course, is the exact opposite: I say again, the government -- this vile
assemblage of bullies, muggers, sneak thieves, and con men -- is not really on
your side; indeed, it is out to get you.
Robert
Higgs is Senior Fellow in Political Economy for The Independent Institute and
Editor of the Institute�s quarterly journal The Independent Review.
He received his Ph.D. in economics from Johns Hopkins University, and he has
taught at the University of Washington, Lafayette College, Seattle University,
and the University of Economics, Prague. He has been a visiting scholar at
Oxford University and Stanford University, and a fellow for the Hoover
Institution and the National Science Foundation. He is the author of many
books, including Depression,
War, and Cold War.