Although he hasn�t yet cracked double figures in early GOP
presidential preference polls, Kansas Republican Senator Sam Brownback has
achieved at least three things since announcing the formation of his 2008
presidential exploratory committee. He has set up the Brownback for President
website, rounded up 20 or so high-profile folks for his exploratory committee,
and he has adopted a catch phrase that he hopes will separate him from the
stack of conservative competitors in the field.
�I have decided, after much prayerful consideration, to
consider a bid for the Republican nomination for the presidency,� Brownback
said in a statement. �There is a real need in our country to rebuild the family
and renew our culture and there is a need for genuine conservatism and real
compassion in the national discussion.�
�Despite his strong appeal among Protestant evangelicals and
his Methodist roots, Brownback converted to Roman Catholicism in 2002 with the
support of Sen. Rick Santorum, R-Pa., another prominent social conservative,�
the Associated Press pointed out in early December. �He says his faith
guides his opposition to abortion, gay marriage and embryonic stem cell
research.�
�Brownback�s faith also leads him to tackle social injustice
around the world. He�s spearheaded legislation to fight genocide in Sudan, cut
down human slave trafficking and prison recidivism.�
All of which leads to Brownback calling himself a �full-scale
conservative.�
Catchy phrase notwithstanding, Brownback�s road to the
nomination is decidedly uphill.
Full-scale conservatism
During an appearance on PBS� �Talk of the Nation,�
the American Conservative Union�s David Keene pointed out that movement conservatives
have not yet found their perfect candidate. While most religious right leaders
and other movement activists appear less than enamored with the conservative
credentials of the candidates, Senator Brownback is hoping to capture their
support.
According to The Right Field�s Matt Browner Hamlin,
the Kansas senator began branding himself the �full-scale conservative� at
events in South Carolina, Kansas, and Iowa, after giving it a national go on ABC�s
�This Week� in late November.
��Full-scale conservative� is a powerful phrase,� Hamlin has
pointed out. �It conveys Brownback�s commitment to movement conservatism and
not some sort of watered-down, Johnny Come Lately conservatism that one might
see in other GOP contenders. It conveys forcefulness and dedication -- themes
that extend beyond ideology to suggest personal qualities that GOP voters want
to see, particularly as it relates to how the next president carries on the
Iraq war.�
�Full-scale conservative could be to 2008 what compassionate
conservative was to 2000. At least, that�s what . . . Brownback�s messaging
consultants are hoping.�
However, as with much that comes out of the world of
branding, �full-scale conservative� is sufficiently ambiguous -- opening the
door to multiple interpretations. Does it signify adherence to the
anti-abortion, anti-gay, anti-immigration, pro-Iraq war agenda of the religious
right? Does it include the right�s smaller government, anti-regulatory,
tax-relief-for-the-wealthy economic agenda of the think tanks? What about the
recent embrace by some evangelicals of a kinder gentler agenda which includes
AIDS in Africa, poverty and an assortment of environmental issues?
During one of his recent trips to Iowa, Brownback also
dropped the line �compassionate conservatism� -- that oldie but goodie used
repeatedly by George W. Bush during his 2000 presidential campaign -- into a
conversation.
On December 1 -- World AIDS Day -- the Kansas senator showed
compassion cred by appearing at Pastor Rick Warren�s Saddleback Church-sponsored
conference on AIDS.
He was also featured in a New York Times Magazine piece
about conservatives who have come to �embrace prison reform.� A picture of
Brownback, dressed in what appeared to be a prison issue plain grey sweatshirt
and jeans, talking to prisoners at Louisiana State Penitentiary in Angola,
Louisiana, during a recent overnight visit, accompanied the story.
According to the Times� Chris Suellentrop, Brownback
is one of the leading backers of the Second Chance Act, �a bill that focuses
not on how to �lock them up� but on how to let them out,� Suellentrop reported.
If passed, The Second Chance Act would allocate close to $100 million over two
years for individual states to develop programs to assist ex-offenders as they
reenter society. According to Suellentrop, some 700,000 ex-offenders �will
leave prison in 2007 -- and two-thirds of them are likely to be rearrested
within three years.�
Brownback, a strong supporter of faith-based prison
programs, �seemed highly aware of the dangers, even for a conservative
Republican from Kansas, of seeming the slightest bit soft on crime,�
Suellentrop pointed out. �I wouldn�t say I represent the mainstream of this,�
he said. �I think we have to prove results.� He continued: �I personally favor
a number of these faith-based approaches. But if there are other approaches,
let�s try them. This is an enormous problem, and since the �70s, we have
basically just said we�ll lock people up.�
Later, in his office in the Senate Hart Building, Brownback
implicitly raised the specter of Willie Horton -- the fear that he and the
other sponsors of the bill would be blamed for crimes committed by the formerly
incarcerated: �Imagine you get one bad prisoner coming out and committing a
heinous crime, which is likely to happen. And people�s reaction is, they get
mad. They don�t want this guy out on the streets that�s doing this. If you can�t
show, look, by doing these programs we are cutting the recidivism rate overall,
I don�t think it will stand the blowback when that situation inevitably
happens.�
Picking up support
According to the Associated Press, Brownback�s
exploratory committee is �an eclectic mix ranging from anti-abortion activists
to business executives, including�: Domino�s Pizza founder Tom Monaghan, former
Major League Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn, and the Rev. Frank Pavone, head
of the anti-abortion group Priests for Life, and Iowa investment banker Kevin
McLaughlin.
�Baseball, pizza, priests -- it�s more than an exploratory
committee, it�s a fun-packed weekend,� Oval Office 2008, which describes
itself as �an entirely impartial, non-partisan blog, detailing the build-up to,
and progress of, the 2008 US Presidential election,� wryly observed.
Tom Monaghan �is putting his money and influence� into
making Brownback �the next president of the United States,� McClatchy
Newspapers� Matt Stearns reported.�
Since unloading Dominos for nearly $1 billion in 1998,
Monaghan has dedicated himself to the building of �his own utopia on 5,000
acres in southwest Florida: Ave Maria, a planned community of 11,000 homes,
built around a massive church and a doctrinaire
Catholic university also called Ave Maria,� Stearns reported.
�Monaghan has never before been a major player on a
presidential campaign,� Stearns noted. �Several people familiar with Monaghan
and his work said they were surprised to see him involved. In a rare interview,
Monaghan told Newsweek earlier this year that �I believe all of history
is just one big battle between good and evil. I don�t want to be on the
sidelines.��
The Right�s Field, a blog �dedicated to providing
coverage of the 2008 Republican presidential primary through news commentary,
polling analysis, and research,� recently pointed out that Kevin McLaughlin is �the
founder� of Iowans for Discounted Taxes, �a group that supports the Steve
Forbes� flat tax plan (McLaughlin worked on Forbes� presidential campaigns in
1996 and 2000)� and �has close ties to other wings� of Iowa�s Republican
movement. He �has frequently posted columns on the Iowa Christian Alliance�s
website,� an organization whose �mission centers on getting people to vote on �Christian
principles,� which translates to advocacy of reducing abortion rights, banning
gay marriage, and outlawing gambling.�
McLaughlin is also part of Team NCPA Social Security.
Founded in 1983, the NCPA (National Center for Policy Analysis) is a Dallas,
Texas-based think tank -- chaired by former Delaware Governor Pete du Pont --
whose �goal is to develop and promote private alternatives to government
regulation and control, solving problems by relying on the strength of the
competitive, entrepreneurial private sector.� Its areas of interests include �reforms
in health care, taxes, Social Security, welfare, criminal justice, education
and environmental regulation.�
In a story dated August 7, 2006, and headlined �Mr.
Compassionate Conservative: Senator Sam Brownback of Kansas considers a run for
president. So why is he spending a night in prison?� The Weekly Standard�s
publisher Terry Eastland pointed out that Brownback �may be one of the few
Republican politicians who believe that compassionate conservatism is still the
ticket to the White House. National security issues are likely to remain
dominant through 2008. And many conservatives are wary of compassionate
conservatism, seeing it as a stimulus to government expansion and a seductive
path to misguided policy. Brownback�s �compassionate� position on immigration
-- he voted for the Senate bill, which would create a guest worker program and
create a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants -- has drawn fire from
Republican colleagues in both the House and the Senate, and from publications
like Human Events.�
�The right side of the right�s field is very crowded,� The
Right�s Field Matt Browner Hamlin pointed out: �Brownback is trying to
clear it out by staking linguistic claim to ownership of conservatism. Its
smart branding and it certainly makes it harder for anti-Helmsians like Mitt
Romney to make it far in this race.�
Paul Weyrich, widely considered the godfather of the modern
conservative movement, has his doubts about a Brownback candidacy. The Free
Congress Foundation founder recently described the Kansas Senator as a �wonderful�
candidate for social conservatives, but one who appears to lack �fire in the
belly.�
We�ll know in about a year or so whether Brownback has
survived Weyrich�s forecast.
Bill Berkowitz is a longtime observer of the
conservative movement. His
WorkingForChange column Conservative Watch documents the strategies,
players, institutions, victories and defeats of the American Right.