Halliburton's
contracts for work in Iraq are what's known as cost-plus contracts, meaning
that after all the costs for labor, materials and other expenses are added
together, the company makes its profit based on a percentage of that total.
It certainly does
not take a financial genius to figure out that under the terms of such a
contract, a company has every motive in the world to increase the costs of
every project to increase profits.
Since the minute
Dick Cheney authorized the no-bid contracts for Halliburton, the granddaddy of
war profiteering has been ripping off American taxpayers left, right and center
through the use of these cost-plus contracts and another clear-cut profiteering
scheme was recently revealed in testimony at a Senate Democratic Policy
Committee hearing.
On September 18,
Julie McBride, a former Halliburton employee with the company's Morale, Welfare
& Recreation Department (MWR) in Iraq, testified that "the mantra at
Halliburton camps goes, 'It�s cost-plus, baby.'"
Ms McBride was hired as an MWR Coordinator in Camp
Fallujah at facilities that organize recreational activities for off-duty
troops.
The two MWR facilities that she coordinated were a
fitness center and an Internet caf�. The fitness center had gym equipment, pool
and ping-pong tables, video games, and a large room for movies, fitness classes
and dances, and the Internet caf� housed telephones, computers, and a library.
At Camp Fallujah, she testified, she became
concerned about several Halliburton practices and especially with the
procedures used to compile the headcount for the MWR Department.
"Funding for the MWR Department," Ms
McBride stated, "was evidently based, in part, on the headcount that
Halliburton reported."
She explained that to obtain a headcount, each
off-duty soldier who entered the fitness center or the Internet caf� had to
sign in, and that the number of soldiers on the sign in sheet was referred to
as the �Boots in the Door� count.
She then testified that she and other MWR employees
were directed to utilize a specific methodology to intentionally inflate this
headcount to run up costs and described how it worked.
"To begin," she told the panel,
"each hour, on the hour, Halliburton staff were instructed to record the
number of soldiers in each of the five rooms of the fitness center, and in the
Internet caf� library."
"In addition," she said, "each
person who used any equipment in the fitness center was
required to sign a form."
"This included balls, ping pong paddles, pool
cues, board games, video games, etc.," she noted
"Further," she testified, "a record
was kept of the number of troops who attended fitness classes or other
activities."
At the end of each day, she said, Halliburton
instructed MWR coordinators to prepare a situation report, or �sit rep,� to
record what was purported to be the MWR head count for the day.
"To inflate that figure," Ms McBride
explained, "the coordinators began by adding together the �Boots in the
Door� count, and the hourly totals for each room in the fitness center
throughout the day and in the library."
"For example," she said, "I was
present in Iraq on February 27, 2005, when the �Boots in the Door� count at the
MWR facility in Fallujah was about 330."
"The hourly count that day," she noted,
"for each room was over 1,300."
"These totals were then combined for a fitness
center headcount in excess of 1,600," she stated, "or five times the
actual number of troops that came into the facility."
On top of that she said, Halliburton would often
add the number of troops who attended a fitness class or activity, even though
each person had already been counted when he or she came in the door, and
counted a second time in the hourly head count.
In addition, she testified, they would often add on
the total number of equipment items that were checked out that day and
sometimes they would even add the number of towels checked out by the troops.
"One day in February 2005, for example,"
Ms McBride told the panel, "179 towels were added into the
headcount."
On another day in January 2005, she said, they
added 240 bottles of water used by the troops that day.
"Sometimes," she testified, "they
used a sum total for the headcount that was higher than the �Boots in the
Door,� hourly room counts, activity count, equipment count, and towels count combined."
After adding together all the numbers to arrive at
a �sum total,� she said, coordinators
were instructed to throw away the original �Boots
in the Door� figure and the larger total was then designated as the headcount
for that day and emailed to Halliburton administrators who compiled the numbers
for all of the MWR facilities in Iraq.
"There are many other Halliburton MWR coordinators
who can verify this procedure," she told the committee.
Ms McBride went on to describe how the fraudulent
headcounts are used to generate millions of dollars in unearned profits for the
company by running up costs. "By inflating the number of users," she
said, "Halliburton can rationalize a greater need for facilities,
equipment, staffing and administrators than actually exists."
"The additional staffing," she said,
"does not benefit the troops, but it does benefit Halliburton."
"Under its contract," Ms McBride points
out, "the more facilities, equipment, staff and administrators Halliburton
can show a need for, the more profit Halliburton makes."
She said that she also watched Halliburton
employees use their control of the MWR and dining facility requisition
procedures to requisition many items for their own personal use, by claiming
that the items were for the troops.
"I have personally observed," she said,
"cases of soda, stacked on top of each other in Halliburton administrative
offices, which Halliburton employees obtained this way."
She pointed out that the employees not only drank
soda free but they also generated more undeserved profits for Halliburton by
running up the cost of supplies.
"By contrast," she told the committee,
"US soldiers who make a quarter as much, or less, must go to the PX to
purchase their soda with money from their own pockets."
Ms McBride also described how Halliburton employees
exploit requisitions to obtain luxuries that are not afforded to the troops.
"One example of this," she said, "was a Super Bowl party, for
Halliburton employees only, at taxpayer expense."
According to Ms McBride, Halliburton requisitioned
a big screen TV and lots of food for employees and thus, under the cost-plus
contract, the company even made money off its private Super Bowl party.
Following the party, she said, the Halliburton
employees arranged a live television connection for the big screen TV so that
they could watch more football games.
She told the committee that many Halliburton
employees did not seem to care about the soldiers and often ignored troop
requests or treated them like an annoyance.
"Those same employees," she said,
"indulged their own whims at taxpayer expense."
She also described methods used by Halliburton to
discourages employees from speaking out about these issues. "It�s not easy
to stand up to Halliburton," she told the committee.
"After I voiced my concerns about what I
believed to be accounting fraud," Ms McBride said, "Halliburton
placed me under guard and kept me in seclusion."
She said her property was searched, and she was
specifically told that she was not allowed to speak to any member of the US
military. "I remained under guard until I was flown out of the
country," she said.
In concluding her testimony, Ms McBride expressed
her admiration and devotion to the US troops in Iraq as well as her purpose in
testifying before the committee.
"During my time at Camp Fallujah," she
said, "I came to love the young men and women in the military, who serve our
country so well."
"It was an honor for me to help them in any
way," she stated.
"I will never forget their kindness," she
said, "and their courage has inspired me to speak out now on their
behalf."
Democrats have promised to end Halliburton's war profiteering
in Iraq as soon as they take control of Congress.
Evelyn Pringle is a columnist for OpEd News and
an investigative journalist focused on exposing corruption in government and
corporate America.