The same day that Joe Biden was selected as candidate for
the vice presidency by the Democratic Party, the campaign of John McCain
reproduced several videos of Hillary Clinton sharply attacking Obama. Probably
these ads were designed with a selection of Clinton in mind instead of Biden.
But even though this expectation was not fulfilled, Republican Party
strategists must have thought that such critical work should not be thrown away
and chose to put it on the air anyway.
Immediately afterward, McCain�s advertising called
explicitly for Clinton�s sad supporters to vote for the Republicans, just as
the old Democratic candidate Joe Lieberman does now, allying himself with his
ex-rival from the 2000 elections, George Bush, in support of McCain with the
argument for the latter�s greater experience.
Shortly before the Republican candidate was to announce his
selection for VP, a radio station called me to talk about this process. At that
moment, there were three names in play, all men, but considering the electoral
market, it was my opinion that McCain�s vice presidential candidate would be a
woman. Since then we have not stopped hearing women�s groups and Sarah Palin
appeal to women�s consciousness in order to gain power. If it is indeed true
that there is still a long way to go to eliminate the arbitrary inequalities of
power, perhaps one particular woman is not the best substitute for women in
general.
There are still feminists today who take pride in Margaret
Thatcher for having been a woman of steel in power in one of the old empires,
even though women who ordered their black slaves whipped had already been
abundant for centuries. It remains paradoxical that it was precisely Ronald
Reagan and Margaret Thatcher who put the brakes on the progressive movements, among
them the feminists, that appeared in the 1960s and which represented a
rebellion of minority groups and of the oppressed (although in reality this was
only a consequence of a long historical process initiated, in my view, in the
15th century).
All of that, which was barely the visible and ambiguous face
of a deeper historical change, was reversed by the conservative wave that, in
my opinion, will be coming to an end in the next decade but which can be slowed
down in its movement, depending on the success or failure of some political
changes around the world, especially in the United States. In whatever form,
even if postponed, inexorable generational change will not depend on any
political party. But right now possibility matters.
Sarah Palin is recognized as one of the most conservative
among the conservative politicians. She is associated, for example, with
�pro-life� groups. The latest slogan prays �Pro-Life, Pro-Palin,� in the
assumed ideolexicon suggesting that others are not in favor of life. This
defender of life supports, unconditionally, the war in Iraq and anywhere else
it might be necessary. She is a member of the powerful National Rifle
Association. She can be seen in photographs posing together with her children,
smiling as beautifully as Diana, with a rifle in hand next to a moose she
brought down herself, lying in a pool of blood in the snow. It is likely that
the fondness for hunting and weapons on the part of the governor of Alaska and
�pro-life� conservatives is not for fun or for sport, but out of necessity.
Significantly, the major stir that Sarah Palin has produced
in recent days came with revelations of the pregnancy out of wedlock of one of
her daughters. The scandal of the revelation, not of the pregnancy, is
attributed to leftist press like the New York Times. Nonetheless, the fact must
be of interest to conservatives, who are always concerned about the sexual life
of sinners. However, the diverse groups of conservative women, among them Jane
Swift, the ex-governor of Massachusetts, declared that all of the criticisms of
Palin are sexist, since Palin is a woman. It is not sexist that, according to
Hillary Clinton, it is acceptable to McCain and the conservatives that a woman
receives a lower salary for the same work as a man.
From the conservative wing of the U.S. political spectrum,
to which Palin belongs, have come theories that can in no way be called
progressive and where being feminist is an insult as serious as being gay,
liberal or an intellectual. In fact the intellectuals of this ideological
region hate intellectuals in general and their books, and with a deep
psychological need to police they dedicate themselves to making black lists of
people, almost always colleagues, who they subsequently call �dangerous� or
�stupid,� as if a stupid intellectual could be dangerous at the same time, the
way a stupid president can be. From their pens have come impoverished but well
publicized theories, like the theories of the return of patriarchy, according
to which the fact that a woman complies with the fixed role of stay-at-home
mother produces families with many children, and consequently sustains the
hegemony of an empire. Toward this end, they cite not only the decline of the
Roman Empire but the high birth rate of conservative families in the southern
states in comparison with the low birth rate of liberal families in the northern
(e.g., Phillip Longman).
One cannot say that this is a campaign filled with rhetoric
because it does not even amount to that much. Everything is reduced to the
repetition of six or seven clich�s whenever possible and even whenever
irrelevant. One of the preferred clich�s consists in emphasizing the experience
of the candidate and their family values. Question: �What is the central idea
of your candidate?� Answer (eyes fixed on the camera, face impassive): �The
other candidate does not have the necessary experience.�
Experience is the other supreme virtue that is attributed to
Sarah Palin when it is suggested that she has none. Almost as much as George
Bush, who has had more than enough experience even before the beginning of his
career and who has been so unjustly criticized
and attacked by Democrats and avoided by his own party, but recognized by the
conservatives for his family values and for his respect for his
self-sacrificing wife. A man who from the beginning stood out not only for his
incredibly broad political experience but also for his intelligence and his
culture, although to these last two faculties one might add the generous virtue
of discretion.
In summation and in their own words, conservatives are
defenders of the values of the family. That is, authority proceeds from the
father and fathers have the biblical right to define what is a family and what
are its values. They are respectful and do not invade the private life of gays
and lesbians as long as gays and lesbians do not attempt to obtain the same
civil rights as decent people. The
traditional role of the woman has been established by tradition and questioning
that is part of the corruption and lack of values, all characteristics of the
�bitter leftists,� liberals, and feminists.
Nevertheless, according to the polls, millions of women who
previously supported Hillary Clinton have gone over to the Republican side. The
electoral market, like on other occasions, is nourished by the contradictions
of its consumers: those women who passionately defend in the media and in the
cafes their support for a woman as a strategic advantage for the feminist
movement without caring that that woman represents the exact opposite, may
signify for the more sophisticated a demonstration of false consciousness, of
complete manipulation. Something along the lines of women�s liberation through
the consolidation of patriarchy, or the feminization of feminism.
We hope, in this context, that such brilliant masters of
political chess will continue then to promise more freedom, democracy, and
justice, and to always speak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth.
Jorge
Majfud is a Uruguayan writer. He currently teaches at Lincoln University in
Pennsylvania. He has traveled to more than 40 countries, whose impressions have
become part of his novels and essays. His publications include Hacia
qu� patrias del silencio (memorias de un desaparecido) [novel] (Montevideo,
Uruguay: Editorial Graffiti, 1996; Tenerife, Spain: Baile del Sol,
2001); Cr�tica de la pasi�n pura [essays] (Montevideo: Editorial
Graffiti, 1998; Fairfax, Virginia: HCR, 1999; Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial
Argenta, 2000); and La reina de Am�rica [novel] (Tenerife: Baile
del Sol, 2002).