What if in the shaky super power in decline, the United
States of America, tottering on the brink of disaster, the next turn of events
was a popular mutiny against the gradual, little-charted American
Counter-Revolution that has been going on for decades?
In these times in which America�s leaders threaten the
planet with Armageddon, the future of man seems precarious. The violence
marking American civilization -- the terrorism of the state directed against
its own people, its citizenry armed to the teeth and taser-armed police out of
control and the government promising nuclear wars to come -- threatens the rest
of the world.
The perception of the hopelessness and desperation in the
American air today recalls the mood in post-World War II Europe expressed by
the Existentialist movement. After the massacres of civilians in Iraq and
repeated American declarations of preemptive war, I feel something similar to
that of European writers then who wondered what poets could write about after
the Holocaust and 40 million dead. In the aftermath of the destruction of whole
civilizations, the Existentialists held that individual men, not governments,
have to create the meanings of their own lives. Many Americans should feel
something analogous today.
The writers Albert Camus and Jean Paul Sartre depicted
people as free and, therefore, responsible for what they make of themselves. In
their view, that responsibility was too heavy a burden for man to bear and
caused in him desperation. The human condition, which the Existentialists
described, marked by fear, boredom, alienation, the absurd and the sense of
nothingness, calls to mind the prevalent mood in the USA and parts of Western
The atmosphere of desperation
In Camus� poetical essay based on Greek mythology, The
Myth of Sisyphus, Sisyphus is condemned to push a heavy stone up a hill for
all eternity. Each time he reaches the summit, the rock rolls back downhill,
and each time he stoically begins his task again. For Camus, Sisyphus�
commitment to such a senseless task reflects both man�s nobility and his
Likewise for the Italian Existentialist, Alberto Moravia, desperation
was man�s natural state. In his novel,
The Time of Indifference,
Moravia was absorbed by the theme of desperation. His characters are unable to
communicate with each other or express themselves. To the degree that they are
aware of their condition, they become incapable of action, desperate and
superfluous like the intellectuals of 19th century Russian literature.
Camus and Moravia�s
protagonists are relatives: indifferent and incapable of a relationship with
the world, marked by skepticism, despair, escapism and panic.
How modern they
ring today! How 21st century America!
You watch the TV news and you wonder why things are the way
they are. Why are millions of America�s Mexican neighbors compelled to sneak
into the United States and live a dog�s life just to eat? Though it is true
that because of the missing social idea, America�s poor are poorer than
Europe�s poor, Mexico�s poor are much poorer.
Contrary to the opinions of some pseudo-sociologists and
smug capitalists, Mexicans illegals do not work on the skyscrapers of Dallas or
wash dishes in cafeterias in Atlanta or pick fruit in California because they
are enamored with Yankee life. They grovel for existence for the simple reason
that man must eat to live. It is evident that something is startlingly and
tragically out of whack in America.
A flashback: History, brutal and reductive, tells the story
of the Etruscan civilization in a few words: they appeared from somewhere,
flourished for nine centuries, their kings ruled Rome for hundreds of years,
and then they declined and vanished. One might judge that the Etruscans
deserved to disappear. For though they were mystics, they became the world�s
first international arms dealers after developing the iron weapons that changed
the nature of warfare. A money-minded people they sold their powerful arms to
the rest of the world. They were capitalists who had slaves to do the work, man
their ships, fight their wars and finally even govern them. They, too, depended
on the brain drain from abroad to enrich and develop their civilization. In
reality, the mysterious Etruscans had two things in mind: fun in the here and
now in a life of comfort and ease and preparation for the same in the
The corollary between the Etruscan civilization and the
Beelzebub atmosphere in contemporary America is clear as day: indifference to
the real world, a search for diversion at all costs, the widespread contentment
with cheapened life-style, and the devil take the hindmost.
Is hope enough?
If man�s desperation over his condition of helplessness to
change things prevailed in every moment, man would be unable to resist suicide.
That relatively few people kill themselves testifies to the role of hope as in
the Sisyphus myth. In the day-to-day desperation of our lives, hope in
something indefinite is a source of our salvation.
So what is hope? And is it enough? In my Rizzoli
encyclopedia the first definition offered for speranza, that is hope, is
�a feeling of trust in the future.� Or, secondly, hope �is the person or the
thing in which one places one�s trust.�
For the religious, hope is faith in God�s saving grace;
others however count on the redeeming force of ideas and ideology.
The realist is justified in asking if it is reasonable to
have hope in this insecure world. Reason whispers in our ear that, no! the
world condition does not justify hope. In that sense, hope is deceptive, a
masquerade, and leads us down twisting paths toward cynicism, and eventually
carries us back again to our original desperation.
And the process starts over again.
Maintain a sense of measure, reasonable people advise.
Reform is the route. Keep things within due proportions! As if anything has
ever really changed without exceeding ordinary limits, without exaggeration. Man
is not so reasonable. For how much stupidity is repeated over and over in the
name of reason?
The repetitive mutation from desperation to hope and back to
desperation, over and over again, demonstrates that we are not creatures of
reason, no more than was poor Sisyphus pushing his rock up the hill again and
again. Because of man�s unreason his hope like his desperation returns over and
A vicious circle! What else but folly is the repetitive
destruction of civilizations and their rebirth each time? Europe has built and
rebuilt its magnificent cities of cathedrals and palaces and fountains and
parliaments only to destroy it all time after time. Then, immediately after
each devastation, irrational humans join forces, relentless like ants, and rebuild
everything. Then, just as irrationally, they organize another war and destroy
The process has gone on and on throughout history. The first
Rome was destroyed by Etruscans 2,500 years ago, and then rebuilt. Then another
Rome, the magnificent city of stone, of Empire marble from Spain and Gaul, from
Tripolitania, Numidia, Egypt, and Greece and Asia -- violet marbles, serpentine
greens and pearly-grays and blues, obelisk granite, porphyry and Africano and
imperial reds -- was destroyed again and again by Vandals and other invaders,
before in an act of hope people rebuilt it. The horizontal layers of earth and
stones and remains of former civilizations under the surface of the eternal
city today are emblematic of mankind�s madness.
Also the World Trade Center is emblematic of human folly.
Men built, then in a moment of lucid folly, destroyed the WTC. Then, a new idea
for its rebirth emerged like a shaft of light from the filth and the deception
and the desperation that had brought down its towers.
Philosophers conclude that it is not reason or ideas or
intelligence that save the world. Some believe it is man�s senseless hope, his
insistence on survival, his necessity of breathing to the last breath, his
stupid, stubborn resistance . . . and his heroism. His resistance is proof that
hope has thus far been stronger than his desperation because hope has won out
in each phase of the struggle for survival.
Yet hope is not enough
Hope! The verb and noun come down to us from Middle
English in the present meaning of �to hope that things will turn out all
right.� Hope is the opposite of the rare word, wanhope that is
hopelessness and despair. The word includes the German cognate Wahn, madness. Wanhope is thus a �crazy�
brand of despair, and by extension, desperation.
Wanhope recalls the nightmares of those dark and deformed
figures lurking in your subconscious, in ambush, waiting to waylay you,
threatening you with unidentified dangers and you try to run away but your legs
are leaden and refuse to carry you and desperation inhabits you and you can
only hope for magic salvation.
Hope as revolt
For Camus, hope is based on revolt against the desperation
of life that would propel man to collective suicide. Perhaps revolt is even a
derivative of hope, for fortunately hope is also collective. It is a collective
revolt that each individual shares with others in the name of a better future.
In that sense hope mutates into solidarity -- solidarity in
collective revolt. When man revolts he joins others in an act of hope. Hope and
solidarity and resistance and revolt are paradoxically a desire to restore
order after the destruction.
We resist a purely linear existence of birth to death
because we realize that circular and reversible existence is merely hopeful
illusion. Thus to avert the morphing of hope into illusion, in the long run
hope has to rely on revolt.
Yet the brutal reality is that hope and revolt are not
enough for salvation this time. Hope and solidarity and revolt can lead the way
but more will be required this time around.
An interlude for a look at what we have over us
It sometimes seems foolish to dispute what form of
government is best. Historically, people have often found better forms of
government among foreigners. At the time of the French Revolution enlightened
persons of the world looked to Republican Paris, others favored Napoleonic
modernizers. Warlike Prussia had its admirers, as did Nazi Germany and the
Soviet Union. Mussolini�s Italy was applauded because for a time the dictator
made Italy work. Using such historical yardsticks, some believe that the time
of the United States of America as a model for the world has run out.
In the West today two fundamental views of the role of
government stand in opposition: that of America and that of continental Europe.
For the last three decades America has been under the spell of a conservative
ideology concerning the unlimited rights -- as a rule referred to by themselves
as freedom -- of the wealthy classes, the magnates and the oligarchs,
the rich upper 5 percent of the population.
Parts of continental Europe see this instead as an
ideological challenge to their more humane values in matters of social justice
as for example universal health care and welfare.
Freedom in capitalist USA has come to mean freedom for the
rich to become richer while political power has rejected the already meager
social instincts in the nation, such as the feeble attempt of the Clinton
administration to introduce the basic concepts of universal health care.
It smacks too much of socialism.
Any economist knows that steeply graduated taxation is the
most direct route to finance universal health care and education and the
redistribution of national wealth.
But that is precisely what conservatives reject.
European progressives, though each day ceding ground to
free-market globalization, are cognizant of the social responsibility of the
state to care for its citizens. European leaders know they must at least seem
to act in the general interests of their electors, of the have and have-nots
Anyone with eyes to see has been able to follow the effect
of savage American capitalism on the traditional European social model. The
American model threatens the social state Europe constructed over a century of
struggle. The Great Britain of Tony Blair -- once the darling of European
Reformist Socialism and the welfare state -- succumbed, and has been a Trojan
horse within the European community for a decade.
The effects are highly visible today, as the British
government in the bear hug of conservative America has drifted further and
further from its original European values. As in the USA, the gap between rich
and poor has widened dramatically -- first in Great Britain and now in much of
Europe. Today, the preference for market freedoms to the state�s role as the
re-distributor of wealth is increasingly visible.
Conservatives charge that when progressives refer to the
rights of society they are in reality speaking of greater roles for the state.
That is true. That is the point. The failure of last year�s referendum in favor
of the European Union Constitution in France and The Netherlands reflects the
anti-globalization instincts reigning in the �social� part of Europe, which
sees the European Union as a conglomerate of multi-nationals based on the
The image of a �bad America� -- with its 737 military bases
in over 100 world countries, its CIA night flights carrying terrorist suspects
to mysterious destinations for torture, and its last-man-alive philosophy -- is
common and spreading in West Europe today.
Yet America and Europe are not two separate civilizations,
but branches of the same West, which dialogue and influence each other.
Perhaps it is true that Europe cannot economically
afford to return to socialist models of a century ago. Nonetheless it stands at
a crossroads. It can favor socially responsible government and search for more
equitable redistribution of wealth. Or it can abandon its social heritage and
choose the American route of a state that does little for its citizens.
On the other hand, the United States most certainly cannot
afford to continue in the savage anti-social direction of the last three
decades without facing an unstoppable social upheaval at home and more and more
ostracism abroad. Instead of dictating its anti-social values to the rest of
the world, it would do well to listen to foreign voices.
The future that hope hopes for
Searching for the proper word for what might happen in
America on the heels of popular resistance to its burgeoning police state, I
came on the old concept of mutiny.
At first mutiny might sound like much too little considering
the present desperate state. The 1954 film The Caine Mutiny with
Humphrey Bogart depicts the mutiny against a paranoid naval Captain whose madness
has nearly caused the destruction of the warship USS Caine. The theme of mutiny
runs through American history and literature -- ship revolts as in Jack
London�s Mutiny of the Elsinore and Melville�s slave revolts, and for
that matter, the mutiny in the execution of the American Revolution itself.
Rebellion against unjust power remains a leitmotiv in the
American imagination. With that tradition in mind Americans and their present
rulers must wonder when the next explosion will arrive and what form it will
take. For today the gap between rulers and people is unbridgeable and some
people are re-learning the sense of social solidarity.
Widespread resistance has set in.
So what comes next? In a mature people, the passage from one
step to the next in the dialectical chain above appears historically
ineluctable. Once underway, such a process doesn�t just stop.
What if in the United States of America -- shaky super
power, today in decline and tottering on the brink of disaster -- what if the
next step were mutiny against the gradual, little-charted Counter-Revolution in
America in motion for decades.
The problem is that the masses of America appear
surprisingly nonchalant about their lost freedoms. Many snicker at suggestions
of any kind of revolt or rebellion. Many even still see America as the cradle
of democracy and freedom.
But is the idea of mutiny far-fetched? Is it science
fiction, the image of people in revolt? In a situation in which the rulers
crush the people under an avalanche of police state laws and the people
exercise their constitutional right to bear arms, what if the same people wake
up and metaphorically turn their guns on their oppressors?
The Argentine writer, Ernesto Sabato, says that the very
worst social situation is that in which fear reigns and man becomes an
automaton, no longer responsible or free. The most hopeless situation is that
of a humanity that ignores its own interests and continues to think childish
thoughts and to play children�s games.
Out of unawareness or complacency, out of acceptance or
passivity, and as a result of the pervasive cradle-to-grave brainwash, the
masses of American society seem placated by Power�s assurances that theirs is
the best way of life.
While Power has gone about creating its police state it has
kept the people asleep and apathetic, obese and content, and holding many
millions of less fortunate in ignorance. While complacency is based on the
illusion of freedom, the passive people are inoculated against external
influences by an ignorance of history and flag-waving patriotism.
Meanwhile as the educated, aware, upper middle classes
become poorer and more dissatisfied, the use of fear to keep them in line is
necessary. In the home of the brave, fear continues to intensify as seen in the
new laws of the controlled society.
The fear of fear is a new American reality.
And the fear is justified.
Naomi Wolf in her �10 easy steps to Fascism� recalls that a
government can stop dissent quickly with just a little torture of the
dissidents. The 10 easy steps to American Fascism have already been made:
creation of an external threat, ready secret prisons, formation of paramilitary
forces, surveillance of citizens, infiltration of civilian organizations,
arbitrary arrests, targeting key individuals, press controls, labeling
criticism as sedition and dissent as treason and subversion of the rule of law.
Everything -- laws and the means of enforcing them -- is
already in place.
The romantic word revolution is terrifying. There is just
reason to mistrust it. Even the Beatles did in their famous song, Revolution. Since the heroic times of the American
and French revolutions and the Great Russian Revolution the word has
degenerated and been misused. The student revolution of the 1960s, though
leaving behind many lasting effects, petered out after the Vietnam War. China�s
Cultural Revolution has not yet been digested. The so-called Orange Revolution
in Ukraine comes to mind as an example of a political class abusing the very
Let�s don�t confuse revolution with either mere
reform on one hand or with armed insurrection on the other. Insurrection is a
local, usually spontaneous and one-issue matter. Reform is adjustment made by
the rulers in order to maintain power as happened in Tsarist Russia. As a rule,
reforms are too little and too late.
Since drastic and radical social-political change should
be the goal of thinking Americans today, everything that inhibits social
solidarity, the blossoming of resistance and the creation of a rebellious
mindset against a negative myth are obstacles to be overcome.
Wait a minute! A myth? What myth? In this case -- the myth
is America itself. For how can you battle a myth, the Greeks wondered? In the
aftermath of the fall of Troy, Menelaus stood before Helen with his sword
raised: he, the victor, stared at her, the traitor, and let his sword fall. He
couldn�t kill her. Like a reflection in the water, Helen was a myth. Menelaus
had to wonder how you can kill a myth without killing the water, too.
Born out of solidarity and resistance, the United States of
America has always harbored violence in its soul. A parallel violent world
lives within American society, one world atop the other, each independent of
the other. In America, violence and war are so much a part of life that
sometimes non-violent opposition to this inbred violence seems to be hopeless
In comparison to America�s own terrorism and violence,
al-Qaeda is stuff for babies and schoolgirls: homegrown violence is always just
a heartbeat away from mainline life. In comparison to today�s institutional
violence and terrorism, past student protest with its slogans of non-violence
or pistol-armed Black Panthers and Weather Underground insurrections appear as
innocent as breaking plate-glass windows.
But mutiny? Is mutiny ever outmoded in situations of
oppression and madness, of rupture between rulers and the ruled?
It is comforting to keep in mind that though protest
movements have been broken and scattered by Power, many of those people and
like-minded others are still out there in American society. The number of
mature adults with eyes to see and ears to hear is growing. Their answer to
people who wonder what the resistance wants is simple: they want a just
But what are they to do?
That is the question.
Studies show that the class of Power in the USA is
surprisingly small, numbering in the tens of thousands. The potential
opposition on the other hand is enormous, including above all those whom Che
Guevara had in mind when he quipped, �If you tremble in indignation at
injustice then you are my comrade.�
Though much of that ruling class is stashed away in corner
offices on top floors behind batteries of secretaries, apparently in hiding,
out of its vanity it still wants to be seen. For what is Power if no one knows
YOU hold it? Members of the Power class are visible each day, on TV, in
Congress, in the military hierarchy, in diplomacy, multinationals, religions
and the universities. The higher they ascend the ladder of Power, the more
reactionary they become, and the more entrenched in the Power system.
However, those at the very summit are in hiding, the
rulers who really rule, and they are the most dangerous. They are the ones we
do not know. But we can suspect who they are.
Since it often seems that the people standing on the
other side of the abyss have abdicated, we tend to underestimate their
potential power. Yet, they too have a stake in the land. One forgets that
organized workers can bring a small city like Asheville in North Carolina or a
metropolis like New York or a company like General Motors to a standstill in a
matter of hours. The reason that seldom happens is because people have
forgotten their own strength.
That people don�t think about their strength is, as we said,
due to Power�s astute use of myth and illusion: the myth of freedom and the
illusion of happiness. And in these times more and more out of fear!
Though most people seem to prefer ignorance, they
need to be made aware of the truth and of their strength. Some people are
learning to distinguish between myth and reality. For those with eyes to see,
the issues are evident: the Iraq War, globalization, US imperialism, legalized
torture and genocide and the new American police state at home.
Solidarity with those who suffer is growing. Resistance
spreads. For organized resistance the great lie about the superiority of �the
American way of life� is a natural target. The end result of extended and
prolonged resistance is usually state violence against dissent. State violence
itself has a multiplier effect: when Power steps in to target and Taser
dissenters and crush violence it intensifies resistance.
An explosion becomes inevitable. First comes collective
action, civil disobedience follows. Now police state laws have caused a change
in thinking about legitimacy. This time around the explosion can become
something much different than Power imagines. For the people can shut down the
nation without firing a shot.
The people! Today the American people seem broken,
fragmented and bewildered, devoid of unity of purpose as existed, let�s say,
during the Vietnam War. According to recent studies the vast majority of
American people are unaffected by America�s ongoing permanent war. The
discussion about whether 70,000 or one million Iraqis have been massacred has a
certain theoretical academic air about it. Not even the mothers of the American
dead in Iraq can get organized.
At the same time more and more people have lost faith in the
electoral system and have taken on the job of breaking down the natural
passivity of the dissatisfied and fragmented people who, though in potential
agreement with revolutionary analyses, are unused to resistance because of the
illusionist spin conducted by Power. Not voting is a suggested antidote.
Again, there are the wars to be ended. If the people can�t
share the government�s war effort, it can share in anti-war objectives.
There is vast poverty and social injustice to be resolved. There is a dramatic
need for universal health care. There is a corrupt and mean political class to
be removed. All of it. Both parties. There is every need to give power back to
Grassroots organizer Abigail Singer, co-founder of Rising
Tide North America and of a recent Southeast Climate Convergence conference in
Asheville, North Carolina, said in an interview that voting is not enough
because the electoral process has been sold to the highest bidder and that
people who get into positions of power have to sacrifice whatever principles
they started out with to the point that systemic change is impossible. The idea
is that real change comes from the grassroots.
At the same time a growing number of people are losing faith
in nonviolence. Singer points out that capitalism itself is extremely violent.
�If you�re not nice and polite, some people consider that violence. But most
violence is in business as usual and capitalism grinding on, killing workers,
forests and oceans. We�re surrounded by normalized violence and don�t recognize
it for what it is. Confronting this normalized violence in a direct way is not
violent; it�s necessary.�
Though most people still argue that you have to work within
the system, the modern activist is mutating because the political climate has
changed. The violence of government repression creates violent reaction in the
same way war against Iraq creates new shahids. Actually violent
resistance is nothing new: Black Power backed up the Civil Rights movement. The
US government didn�t grant more workers rights back in history because it
became good but because people rose up and demanded their rights. People
organizing to defend themselves reaches back through the history of man.
Today in America some people are coming together and
developing new ideas of resistance -- and their number is destined to grow to
the degree that government repression grows. Still, there are not yet enough
dissatisfied people willing to work to bring about drastic social change.
After my youth in America I have lived my adult abroad.
Traveling to the USA today is to go abroad. Therefore I have acquired a double
sensibility about my former homeland. When I arrive there, abroad, but also at
home, I feel double tensions in the air: the tension connected with the fear of
losing �the American way of life� and the tension of a minority of dissatisfied
people also fearful because it knows it is living a fantasy and that mutiny --
so nebulous as to appear a chimera -- will be necessary to change things.
In America I do not sense that undercurrent of change that
one has felt in recent years in Spain, for example. I sense both a fear of
action and a fear of non-action. Perhaps it is also a fear of change, fear that
things can only get worse. A fear like that of a people inhabiting the wrong
house, or the haunting fear that the real house it once inhabited is today
occupied by usurpers and has lost its soul.
One senses also a disturbing atmosphere of pragmatism and a
depoliticalization coupled with widespread contentment with just analyzing the
current situation rather than challenging it.
Radical change presupposes an end to blind acceptance of
Power�s fictionalized version of reality. It is comforting that across the land
grassroots activists are working to break down the phenomenon of indifference.
Activists no longer have to feel alone. Each person arrested in anti-war
demonstrations acquires new faith in resistance and each of them creates new
Acceptance of the legitimacy of Power, indifference to
Power�s deviations and passivity in the face of Power�s threats against
external enemies seem to have peaked. Polls show that more and more people
believe that Power gone mad has to be put aside. The eventual end of acceptance
and passivity could result in a kind of explosion the world has never seen.
Clash between people and a corrupt system appears inevitable.
Today that clash is still more hope than reality. Hope that
a new strategy of liberation from the oppression of illegal fascism will
mushroom. In other times, in an older language, that strategy would be called
revolutionary theory. The old Leninist concept is apt here: there can be no
revolutionary movement without a revolutionary theory. The theory here, the
strategy, must explain that it is not just George W. Bush, the system�s current
representative, who must go, but the system itself run by that tiny minority at
As a rule people don�t rebel easily. People count on
reforms. People do everything possible to avoid real social convulsion and
upheaval, even compromising with a fascist police state.
On the other hand, today�s illegal government is aware that
the spirit of mutiny is brewing. That is why it has armed itself with a set of
illegal and anti-constitutional laws to crush it.
Observers from afar cannot offer a solution. The American
people will have to decide that. However this is the most extreme problem of
this century for mankind: the powerful but confused and violent United States
of America. At this point the alternative to ousting today�s corrupt American
system is a permanent police state, which if it becomes any more fixed than it
is now, just might last a thousand years.
Meanwhile the alternative media has an important role. Its
role is to be intolerant of liars and to tell the truth. And it has to expand
and replace reticent mainline media. The aim of the alternative media is to
prompt people to open their eyes and to inculcate in them a new way of thinking
honestly and free of Power�s newspeak.
Thus the real future belongs to those who resist, to the
rebels who say �No!� and to the mutineers at the grassroots who will bring
about the drastic change a growing number of Americans know is necessary. Let�s
leave ideology apart. Let�s simplify matters. Let�s drop the rhetoric. Let�s
avoid the set phrases of the radical chic.
Finally, see what Henry David Thoreau (1817-78), great
American author and philosopher, wrote in his �On the Duty of Civil Obedience�:
�All men recognize
the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to
resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and
unendurable. Those who, while
they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it
their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious
supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform.
�If the injustice
is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let
it go . . . if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of
injustice to another, then I say, break the law. Let your life be a
counter-friction to stop the machine. What I have to do is to see, at any rate,
that I do not lend myself to the wrong, which I condemn.
shall I do? You ask. My answer is, If you really wish to do anything, resign
your office. When the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has
resigned from office, then the revolution is accomplished.�
Stewart is originally from Asheville, NC. After studies at the University of
California at Berkeley and other American universities, he has lived his adult
life abroad, in Germany and Italy, alternated with residences in The
Netherlands, France, Mexico, Argentina and Russia. After a career in journalism
as Italian correspondent for the Rotterdam newspaper, Algemeen Dagblad, and
contributor to media in various European countries, he writes fiction
full-time. His books, "Icy Current Compulsive Course, To Be A
Stranger" and "Once In Berlin" are published by Wind River
Press. His new novel, "Asheville," is published by www.Wastelandrunes.com He lives with
his wife, Milena, in Rome, Italy. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org.