"The president's decision [George W. Bush's] to
ignore intelligence community assessments prior to the Iraq war and to make
repeated public statements that gave the misleading impression that Saddam
Hussein's regime was connected to the terrorists who attacked us on 9/11 cost
him any credibility he may have had on this issue." --Carl Levin, U. S.
Senator (D, MI)
"When the tyrant has disposed of foreign enemies by
conquest or treaty, and there is nothing to fear from them, then he is always
stirring up some war or other, in order that the people may require a
leader." --Plato (427-347 b.c.)
"How you can win the population for war: At first,
the statesman will invent cheap lying, that imputes the guilt of the attacked
nation, and each person will be happy over this deceit, that calms the
conscience. � It will study it detailed and refuse to test arguments of the
other opinion. So he will convince step for step even therefrom that the war is
just and �thank God, that he, after this process of grotesque even deceit, can
sleep better." Mark Twain - [Samuel Langhornne Clemens] (1835-1910)
As a principle, a
democratic government should not rely on misinformation, half-truths and
outright lies in order to defend its public policies. Indeed, public affairs
should be discussed in the open and policies judged on their merit. To do
otherwise is to betray the necessary trust a responsible government must have
with the citizens. But everybody knows that politicians do lie, and the more
they get away with it, the more they resort to this subterfuge.
On September 25,
2002, for example, President George W. Bush uttered a big lie that was bound to
have disastrous historical consequences. It would lead to one
of the dumbest wars ever. In his search for fictional reasons to attack
Iraq, he said: "You can't distinguish between Al Qaeda and Saddam when you
talk about the war on terror." This was a lie because American
intelligence services had long established that secularist Saddam Hussein
considered violently religious Osama bin Laden to be an enemy. A bi-partisan
U.S. Senate panel has confirmed that Saddam Hussein had rejected overtures
from al-Qaida and believed Islamic extremists were a threat to his regime. This
was completely different from the portrait of an Iraq allied with Osama bin
Laden that the Bush-Cheney administration painted in order to initiate a war of
aggression against Iraq. It was thus impossible to have Al Qaeda operatives
being trained in Iraq (as they were in Taliban Afghanistan). With that lie,
Bush was trying to mislead the American people into supporting a war against
Iraq that he had intended to launch even before he became president.
Therefore, the war
against Iraq that George W. Bush launched on March 20, 2003, was a premeditated
war of choice, not a defensive war of necessity. In fact, the 2003 unprovoked American
military attack against Iraq looks like a repetition of the unprovoked
'preventive' attack that imperial Japan launched against the United States at Pearl Harbor, on
December 7, 1941.
Bush's second big
lie was the one about Iraq supposedly having a stock of weapons of mass
destruction about to be used against the United States. On September 12, 2002,
Bush II said emphatically, "Iraq has stockpiled biological and chemical
weapons, and is rebuilding the facilities used to make more of those weapons."
This false assertion was repeated time and again by President George W. Bush
and by his vice president on numerous radio and TV networks. The Bush-Cheney
administration was publicly accusing Iraq of having hidden unconventional
weapons and was pressuring it to pledge to stop producing or concealing such weapons of mass
destruction. On October 8, 2002, in a speech
delivered in Cincinnati, the American president raised the level of fear
even higher, declaring that "we cannot wait [before attacking Iraq] for
the final proof, the smoking gun, that could come in the form of a mushroom
cloud."
In fact, the
Bush-Cheney administration had been told by their own intelligence services
that Iraq's
WMD capability had been essentially destroyed in 1991, more than 10 years
before. But it was not the purpose of the Bush-Cheney administration to use
intelligence in order to better the decision-making process. What Bush II and
his neocons intended was to use and twist intelligence to justify political
decisions already made. For David Kay,
the former head of the Iraq Survey Group, the neocons' claim that Iraq had
weapons of mass destruction was simply "delusional." And even today,
the campaign of disinformation continues, because the situation
in Iraq is much worse than what Bush II and the Pentagon are saying in public.
At the end of the
day, all these lies and distorsions have paid off big politically for the
Republican Party. Bush's political adviser, Karl Rove, obviously inspired by
the movie 'Wag the dog',
was able to plan both the 2002 mid-term elections and the 2004 presidential
election around the theme of fear and terror: his program was to picture a
mediocre and devious politician as a "war president" fighting
terror around the world, dressed up in the American flag.
The Democratic
leadership was so hoodwinked by this strategy, that Dick Gephardt, the then
House Democratic Minority Leader, for example, was anxious to be photographed
with George W. Bush in the fall of 2002, when the latter was making his
warmongering pronouncements. Gephardt was naive enough to believe that by
jumping onto Bush's war wagon, the Democrats could win 40 new seats and take
control of the House. Instead, as it was amply predictable, the subdued
Democrats lost five seats in the House. Bush and Rove were lucky to have such
confused adversaries. Karl Rove is now trying to apply the same ploy to the
2006 mid-term elections. It remains to be seen if the Democrats will fall into
the same trap.
And then, there was
torture or, in Orwellian
speak, 'enhanced interrogation techniques.' Because of George W. Bush's
decisions about torturing
prisoners or so-called "enemy combatants," with the advice of
devious and crooked-mind lawyers, the United States is seen around the world as
a country that violates the Third Geneva
Convention against torture and which routinely authorizes the mistreatment of
prisoners. The Bush administration's use of torture at the Abu Ghraib and
Guant�namo prisons is a well documented fact.
Also, because of
George W. Bush's decisions about detainees, there are 14,000
people in secret American gulags with hardly any legal recourse, a situation
which is contrary to international law but also, to American law. What's more, torture in
Iraq, according to the United Nations' chief anti-torture expert, is now
worse than it was under the regime of Saddam Hussein. This unenviable record
places the American president in a very precarious legal position because he
could be accused of war crimes and impeached for
such offenses.
Realizing that,
Bush is now desperately trying to save himself by having the U.S. Congress
retroactively modify both Article 3 of the Geneva Convention and the U.S. War
Crimes law, even though such a move would be unconstitutional, since no law
can be erased retroactively, under the U.S. Constitution. It even seems that American
military lawyers have been coerced to go along with an illegal practice
they have themselves denounced before. Indeed, after the U.S.
Supreme Court ruled on June 29, 2006 (in a 5-3 decision) that President
Bush violated both American and international law in his effort to railroad
Guantanamo Bay detainees in kangaroo courts, some legislative cover was thought
to be required. On September 28, 2006, Congress
pretended to want to curtail somewhat the president's power to use torture,
but finally approved a bill that suspends the eight century old right of Habeas Corpus for
detainees, by stripping them of the right to challenge their detention in
court. With this new law, the American Congress is now officially on record as
going along with the Bush administration in legalizing the
recourse to future torture techniques by U.S. government agents, thus
confirming the moral decadence of the United States and its decline among
democratic nations.
In conclusion, it
can be said that the Bush-Cheney's
addiction to lies and to war is a major threat to the United States itself,
to its liberty and to stability and freedom around the world. This decline of
democratic principles and in public morality, concomitant with the recourse to
ever more sophisticated armaments in military conflicts, is a direct threat to
the survival of humanity.
Rodrigue Tremblay is
professor emeritus of economics at the University of Montreal and can be
reached at rodrigue.tremblay@
yahoo.com. He is the author of the book 'The
New American Empire'. Visit his blog site at www.thenewamericanempire.com/blog.