The Palestinians
have been too grateful and too helpless for too long to be critical of the
political agenda of their donors who have practically nailed them down as
political hostages to the donors� money, which was promised initially to help
build an independent Palestinian state, but ended as a political instrument
effectively used by the Israeli occupying power.
Donors have
embroiled themselves in an internal Palestinian political crisis they
themselves created when they withheld their aid as a collective punishment to
squeeze out of power a political movement not of their liking, which ironically
came to power in fair and transparently democratic elections that were financed
and monitored by none other than themselves.
The internal
political crisis is only a result of the deeper economic and humanitarian
crisis, which is crushing the Palestinian people to the brink of a �social
revolt,� especially in the �ticking time bomb� of Gaza Strip [1], and the
donors-sustained Palestinian Authority (PA) to the brink of collapse since the
donors tightened the Israeli military siege by imposing a suffocating financial
blockade early in the year.
The ensuing
Palestinian divide is being further exacerbated by the donors� public siding
with one party of the divide, to the detriment of the people whom the donors
are trying in vain to reach out to.
On September 1, the
donors meeting in Stockholm pledged about $500 million in mostly selective
humanitarian �handouts.� But how could this meagre amount make any difference
when $7 billion could not?
The amount was
pledged as an Israeli military court was extending the detention of the
Palestinian finance minister, Dr. Omar Abdul-Razeq, an irony which puts in the
spotlight the overall policy of donors.
The end, political
as well as the economic, result of at least $7 billion of donors� aid over the
past 10 years is raising both Palestinian and international voices to ask
whose political agenda the donors are serving, what is their true mission
and which role they are playing.
Their initial plan
was to bail out a Palestinian Authority representing the 3.5 million
Palestinians under Israeli occupation since 1967 -- within the context of the
Madrid Middle East peace process in 1991 and the ensuing Palestinian-Israeli
Oslo accords in 1993 -- until the Palestinian autonomous interim period ended
in July 1999, when the final status negotiations were scheduled to hopefully
lead to the creation of an independent Palestinian state living peacefully
alongside Israel.
However, the
bullets that killed the Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in Tel Aviv �on
God's orders� by the �law� student, Yigal Amir, in November 1995 had also
assassinated the Oslo accords.
From the start the
Israelis have envisioned an autonomous PA as the end goal. Rabin was
assassinated to curb whatever �peace� illusions a few of the Israelis might
have otherwise developed. And when comatose former prime minister Ariel Sharon
announced his acceptance of a Palestinian state, in accordance with U.S.
President George W. Bush�s vision of a two-state solution, he attached 14
conditions thereto and embarked on a unilateral policy, inherited by his
successor Ehud Olmert, that negated the existence of a Palestinian partner and
downsized the area of the perceived state to 42 percent of the West Bank.
Then, the donors
should have paused and reconsidered the framework of their aid, but they
didn�t.
The donors� money
continued to flow nonetheless with or without awareness that thereafter their
aid had shifted to serve a completely different and contradictory political
Israeli agenda and became an instrument of Israel�s foreign policy, and, thus,
became part of the problem and not of the solution, without alleviating the
Palestinians' economic plight.
Donors have turned
to finance either the Palestinian submission, compliance, passivity or
collaboration and collusion vis-�-vis the Israeli U.S.-backed unilateral plans,
with a questionable indifference to the death of the peace process and the
reoccupation of the PA autonomy, while showing an astonishing exemplary
tolerance towards Israel�s destruction of the state-building infrastructures
financed mainly by money paid by European and American taxpayers.
Their aid has
turned into a tool in Israeli hands to appease a disillusioned Palestinian
population that is witnessing daily the infrastructure of their promised state
either being demolished by Israeli military bulldozers or bombed to rubble by
the US-made Israeli Apaches and F-16s, because Israel has decided unilaterally
to allow into being only a Bantustan-state in the Gaza Strip and to demarcate
its borders deep into the West Bank, after slicing it into two southern and
northern parts by extracting Jerusalem, the heart of any viable and sustainable
Palestinian state.
Thirteen years on,
the Israeli destructive offset factor, the PA corruption, the high management
costs, the conditions attached to their aid, and the political deadlock have
all drained the donors� efforts into a zero-sum result economically and
politically, leaving the donors� taxpayers as the main losers, next to the
Palestinians, and the Israeli Occupying Power as the sole beneficiary.
The donors have
relieved Israel from its obligations under international law as the occupying
power and at the same time used their aid to appease the Palestinians. That�s
why Israel played the fundraiser for the Palestinians, but withheld their dues
when their January elections changed the rules of the game.
A showcase of how
donors squander their taxpayers� money was their financing the Palestinian
presidential and legislative elections with more than $250 million, which they
strictly monitored, only to immediately refuse the outcome and give ammunition
to Palestinian accusations that their democratic rhetoric was a sham.
At least this is
how the donors� role has become to be perceived, not by a minority but by the
mainstream Palestinians, as was proved both by the landslide victory of the
Hamas-led opposition in the January 25 legislative elections and by the failure
of the �Oslo camp� to avert that victory in spite of the billions of dollars
channelled to it by the donors.
The donors�
collective punishment against the Palestinian people after the victory of Hamas
has only reinforced that perception among the Palestinians and at the same time
added fuel to the fire by exposing the donors� aid as also devoid even of its
widely-promoted humanitarian aspect to be seen as it is: A conditional
political funding.
Their financial and
diplomatic embroilment in the Palestinian internal dialogue has amade their
image go from bad to worse. The donors and their democracies are now publicly
criticized as being in collusion with a plan to bring down the Palestinian
government and to bring the PA to its knees politically.
The Palestinians
have no resources under the Israeli occupation and it is difficult for them to
negotiate the type of aid they get. Either they take it or they leave it. If
they take it, they take it with conditions. If they don't, they end up with
nothing, which sums up their current dire situation.
The Fatah-led
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the former ruling government of the
PA, had accepted the conditions from the start and the survival of the PA
became hostage to the ensuing status quo, but the Hamas-led government, which
won the January elections, is refusing to subscribe to the same conditions;
hence the internal crisis.
Taking sides in the
crisis by the donors is a position encouraged by Israel, with an eye on
escalating a dispute into a conflict with the aim of doing away with the
outcome of the January elections, including the winning Hamas, its government
and its ideology that adopts all forms of resistance to the Israeli occupation,
hopefully to bury for the foreseeable future any expectations that such an
ideology might inspire.
Meanwhile the
people�s plight keeps worsening. The PA bureaucracy went on an open-ended
strike early in September, paralyzing the Fatah-dominated rank and file of the
government, whose executive, legislative and local branches were brought to a
halt by Israel�s kidnapping of more than 60 cabinet ministers, including a
deputy premier, MPs, including the parliamentary speaker, and mayors.
Only the PA
presidency is kept floating politically and financially, thanks to the donors,
who are now in a predicament trying to whitewash their collective punishment
and counterproductive role by meagre and selective �humanitarian� aid.
True, the donors�
money has been a vital lifeline for the survival of the grateful Palestinians
under the Israeli occupation, but it neither alleviated their economic plight
nor served their political goals of liberation and self-determination, and
doesn�t promise to do so in the foreseeable future.
�The Palestinians
are today the largest per capita recipients of foreign aid in the world.
(But) According to the 2004 World Bank report, they are suffering �the worst
economic depression in modern history.�� [2]
The World Bank
predicted that the PA�s GDP per capita will fall to $1,063 in 2007; the
unemployment rate will rise to 31 percent, and the poverty rate to 50 percent.
�The paradox is
that although at the declaratory level there has been a growing acceptance of the
two-state solution, the feasibility of its materialization dramatically
decreased as the decade unfolded,� Anne Le More, of Oxford University, wrote in
a study titled �Killing with Kindness: Funding the Demise of a Palestinian
State.� [3]
�In the course of
the last decade, the international donor community has financed not only
Israel�s continued occupation but also its expansionist agenda -- at the
expense of international law, of the well-being of the Palestinian population,
of their right to self-determination, and of the international community�s own
stated developmental and political objectives. Looking ahead, this bodes well
neither for the emergence of a viable Palestinian state nor for the security --
collective and individual -- of the Israeli and Palestinian people,� Le More
concluded. [4]
It is high time for
the Palestinian donors to reconsider their mission to be conducive to
peace-making.
Notes
[1] Agencies
quoting United Nation's top aid official, Jan Egeland, in Stockholm on August
31, 2006.
[2] Ghada Karmi,
The Guardian, December 31, 2005.
[3] International
Affairs, Volume 81, Issue 5, Page 981 - October 2005.
[4] Ibid.
Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist in
Kuwait, Jordan, UAE and Palestine. He is based in Ramallah, West Bank of the
Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories.