Averting war with Iran: A matter of trust
By John Stanton
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Mar 27, 2008, 00:18
With approximately
10 months remaining of US President George W. Bush's second and final term of
office, a nervous world wonders whether Bush will authorize a military strike
on Iran to neutralize what he believes to be a nuclear weapons program
camouflaged behind the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
In a March 19, interview
on Radio Farda (Radio Tomorrow), Bush extended New Year's wishes to the
Iranian people and took the opportunity to remind the Iranian people that their
government will be prohibited from developing nuclear weapons. Prohibition may take
the form of US conventional and/or tactical nuclear air strikes on Iran.
�And the Iranian
people have got to understand that the United States is going to be firm in our
desire to prevent the nation from developing a nuclear weapon, but reasonable in our desire to see to it that you have
civilian nuclear power without enabling the government to enrich [uranium]. And
the problem is that they [government] have not told the truth in the past, and
therefore it's very difficult for the United States and the rest of the world
-- or much of the rest of the world -- to trust the Iranian government
when it comes to telling the truth.�
On March 21, a
report by the Islamic Republic Iranian News Agency (IRNA) noted that the Supreme Leader of
the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, signaled that Iran
would continue its nuclear program undeterred. "Bullying powers have done
everything in their power, from imposing economic sanctions to waging war and
launching psywar, to paralyze the Islamic Republic. However, the nation has
continued to tread the path of scientific and social progress . . ."
Volatile environment
Echoing those
sentiments, on March 22, Iran's Foreign
Minister Manouchehr Mottaki reiterated the same. � . . . Iran is entitled
to peaceful nuclear technology and will not back-down its stances even one iota
. . . Many of the enemies broadcast satellite programs to avoid extensive
public turnout in the elections but to no avail. Under present circumstances,
strong presence of people in the elections made the counter more authoritative.�
Mottaki's comments not only referred to Iran's nuclear development efforts but recent
elections there that saw Iran President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's support among
conservatives decline primarily due to inflationary pressures on the Iranian
economy. The US dismissed the Iranian
electoral process as �cooked.�
With the notoriously
conservative national leadership in Iran and the US unable or unwilling to find
a common ground to establish trust, an incendiary political and cultural
environment has been created providing ample opportunity for opponents of Iran
to instigate for a war between the two countries and Iran's brand of theocracy.
Opportunists abound in this environment: Iranian exiles hoping to return to
Iran and rule once again, neo-conservatives in and out of government who long
for an American empire, and Israeli government officials and pro-Israel
interest groups who are attempting to convince US policymakers and the public
that Iran's possession of nuclear weaponry is a threat to the world. In such a
volatile environment, sage advice comes at a premium. For example, Martin van
Creveld, professor of military history at Hebrew University in Israel, believes
that the US, Israel and the world can
live with a nuclear armed Iran.
On March 17, US Vice
President Dick Cheney began a whirlwind, 10-day peace mission to visit leaders
of the Middle East/Persian Gulf states. Coincidently, the vice president's trip
began six days after the resignation of CENTCOM UCC head Admiral William Fallon, a vocal
critic of pro-Iran war elements in the Bush Administration. Cheney has been a
longtime advocate of destabilizing and corrupting the Islamic theocratic model
of government that Iran employs. Iran's
nuclear program has provided Cheney and his supporters with a pretext for US
military action. "I've been pretty consistent over time about Iran. I
don't think I've ratcheted up the rhetoric. I felt strongly for a long time,
and a lot of us have, that Iran should not be allowed to develop nuclear
weapons."
According to China
View, on March 23, Cheney visited with Israeli Defense
Minister Ehud Barak. �During a meeting with U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney in
Tel Aviv, Barak
stressed that Iran's nuclear program posed a threat to the stability of the
region and the entire world . . . Cheney said his country
would do everything it could to deal with the alleged Iranian nuclear threat to
Israel . . ."
During the same
visit, Cheney met with Benjamin
Netanyahu, former Israeli ambassador to the US and leader of Israel's Likud
party. According to Ynet News, Netanyahu claimed, "I spoke to him [Cheney]
about the need to remove the Iranian threat before (the Islamic republic) arms
itself with a nuclear bomb. There are additional Iranian issues which must be
prevented, including the need to prevent Iran from building its main bases in
the region, from Gaza to Lebanon, and particularly in Jerusalem . . ."
Crazy Eddie diplomacy
Reza Pahlavi, exiled
Iranian son of the former Shah of Iran, believes that �Iran�s clerical regime�s
continued support for terrorism and confrontational behaviour, both regionally
and beyond, its lack of transparency on issues such as its nuclear program, its
continued repression of its citizenry, and a host of other issues, has
rightfully led the world to the conclusion that, as such, this regime cannot be
trusted.� Pahlavi opposes US military action against Iran but believes that a
majority of the Iranian people want a secular government. It is difficult to
trust the sincerity of Pahlavi's antiwar message. The Iranian government
survives still and the throne Pahlavi seeks is becoming ever more distant.
Further, both Pahlavi and Bush appear to believe that the Iranian government
cannot be trusted. If they can't be trusted, the question is, why negotiate at
all?
Amir Taheri, an
Iranian journalist and expert from Benador Associates -- whose work appears
frequently on David Horowitz's FrontPage magazine and elsewhere -- has opined
that US and European diplomats
who attempt a carrot and stick approach with Iran are Crazy Eddies. There
is no point dealing with the theocratic regime there. The implication is that
it must be eliminated.
�A few years back there was a character on American
television advertising known as Crazy Eddie. Shouting at the top of his voice,
he would offer something, usually a gadget of doubtful utility, for sale at a
ridiculously low price . . . Reading statements made by the ambassadors of the
major Western powers at the United Nations the other day, one could not help
remembering Crazy Eddie. The diplomats were speaking after a Security Council
session that approved a new resolution, imposing further sanctions on Iran. The
British ambassador spoke of the numerous advantages that Iran could reap by
complying with Security Council resolutions aimed at ending the crisis over
Tehran's nuclear programme.. His French colleague was even more generous. All
that the mullahs had to do was stop enriching uranium to be rewarded with
"access to the latest technology.
However,
the US Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad came closest to the Crazy Eddie image. The
package of incentives includes active international support to build state of
the art light water power reactors and access to reliable nuclear fuel, he
promised. Iran would also receive spare parts for its ageing US-made jetliners,
credit facilities through the World Bank, membership of the World Trade
Oganisation, and a lifting of the ban on Iranian exports. However, as Crazy
Eddie used to say, that was not all. We call on Iran to engage in constructive
negotiations over the future of the nuclear programme, the ambassador wrote [in
the Wall Street Journal]. Such negotiations, if successful, would have profound
benefits for Iran and the Iranian people. The message from the US to the people
of Iran is that America respects your great country. We want Iran to be a full
partner in the international community.
Only
Crazy Eddie would think that Ahmadinejad . . . could
be bribed with spare parts for Boeing's or state of the art power stations.
"
In a July 28, 2005
press release titled �Opposing
Statements of Iranian Jews on Meeting Ahmadinejad,� Pooya Dayanim,
president of the Iranian Jewish Public Affairs Committee (IJPAC), declared that
there would be no talks for peace with the Iranian government. �Please be
advised that it is the policy of IJPAC not to meet or negotiate with
terrorists, murderers and hostage-takers who have the blood of the Iranian,
Jewish and American people on their hands.� Dayanim is a staunch supporter of
policies advocated by Michael Leeden and refers to Los Angles, IJPAC's home, as
Tehrangeles.
Dayanim's blunt
message lurks in the recent statements made by Bush, Cheney, Netanyahu and
Barak. And it echoes around the globe as proponents of harsh economic sanctions
and US military action mock diplomatic efforts ensuring that trust will not be
an obstacle to war.
John
Stanton is a Virginia-based writer specializing in national security and
political matters. His latest book is "Talking Politics with God & the
Devil in Washington, DC." Reach him at cioran123@yahoo.com.
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