(WMR) -- Pentagon
officials revealed important details of Vice President Dick Cheney�s Joint
Special Operations Command (JSOC) assassination at a Special Operation/Low
Intensity Conflict (SOLIC) conference in Arlington, Virginia, just weeks before
the U.S. invasion of Iraq.
Reporting to the Pentagon�s Undersecretary for Plans and Policy
Douglas Feith, the assassination team was known as �Black Special Operations
Forces� or �Black SOF� and the assassination team was part of a group
responsible for �special programs,� according to information revealed at the
conference sponsored by the National Defense Industrial Association (NDIA).
The special hit squads used by Cheney were part of a Bush
White House program, initiated by the neoconservative cell in the Pentagon
around Feith and Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz that, according to
Pentagon officials, consciously shifted policy �to the right.� The policy,
known as �defensive intervention,� gave the U.S. military the authorization to
pursue targets for the defense of the country. The actual implementer of the
Cheney policy was Robert Andrews, the then-principal deputy assistant secretary
of defense for SOLIC, who stated in his remarks on February 11, �the U.S. must
take quick action against likely sponsors of terrorists . . . without
waiting for a basis of legal evidence.�
Andrews also stated that the standing orders for JSOC and SOF personnel were to
�take asymmetric warfare into the heart of terrorism and destroy it.�
Andrews also stated that �targeted assassinations� were one
means for defensive intervention. He declared, �If I could take out Saddam
Hussein, I�d do it. My secretary wouldn�t let me do it, but I�d do it.� At the
time, the assassination of foreign leaders, such as Hussein, was prohibited by
Executive Order 12333, which bans such actions against foreign political
leaders.
Andrews revealed the reason that SOF personnel were used by
the Cheney team to carry out assassinations was because they could easily get
into otherwise denied areas under the aegis of �training� and �counter-narcotics�
programs. He cited the example of Uzbekistan as one country where U.S. SOF
forces operated more or less freely after 9/11. Andrews added that SOF were �sources
for collecting intelligence in host countries� and that �training contacts are
fungible, we can use them for counter-narcotics but for �other things,� as
well.� Andrews also stated that counter-narcotics �played a big role in the summer
[0f 2002], allowing us to go in.� He revealed that SOF personnel were active in
Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador in the summer of 2002 and that they did �other
things.� Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez narrowly escaped a coup against him
in April 2002 that was supported by U.S. SOF teams.
The Pentagon�s Joint Combined Education and Training (JCET)
program gave the JSOC Special Forces team carrying out �defensive intervention�
access to 59 countries under the cover of 139 �training missions.� Detainee
operations in Guantanamo and other detention centers were also part of the
JSOC/SOF mandate.
Much of the defensive intervention strategy originated with
the contractor Booz Allen and was part of a larger �strategic psychological
operations� program initiated by the Pentagon. Under the umbrella of �influence
operations,� the program also targeted, according to one Pentagon consultant, �activists,
anarchists, as well as opportunists� as the new terrorists. Specifically,
animal rights and environmental activists were cited in the �activist�
category. Infuence operations were green-lighted by both Cheney and President
George W. Bush. Bush justified the program to Pentagon officials by saying
�we�re bringing justice to the terrorists.�
SOF personnel charged with assassinating suspected
terrorists also operated in the Philippines in 2002 as part of Operation
Balikatan, a joint operation with Philippines Special Operations personnel.
The JSOC/SOF personnel reportedly operated in sensitive
locations abroad, including Bosnia. Personnel possessed Top Secret/Sensitive
Compartmented Information clearances and access to the
Cheney-Wolfowitz-Feith �defensive intervention� program.
Pentagon officials also revealed that SOF
personnel operated domestically under statute granted in the USAPATRIOT
Act known as �consequence management.�
JSOC/SOF also maintained a �less-than-lethal� program of
using against their targets �pepper spray projectiles, ring-shaped rubber
bullets, electro-static devices to immobilize vehicles, electro-magnetic
devices to disable automobile electronics, light scattering particles to
confuse crowds, and electro-shocking devices to immobilize crowds.� It was
conceded that the electric discharge devices could also immobilize pacemakers
and aircraft, which could have lethal consequences.
Although the CIA claims it kept a wary distance from the
Cheney assassination program, there was one country where the CIA directly
funded an assassination in the waning days of the Clinton administration, an
indication that at least part of the Cheney program was already in existence
prior to his entering office. Shortly before the January 2001 assassination of
Congolese President Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, one
State Department witness at the U.S. embassy in Kinshasa personally saw large
sums of cash arriving at the CIA station at the embassy said to be sued for a �special
operation.� Four days before Cheney�s inauguration as vice president, Kabila
was gunned down in a palace coup.
Previously
published in the Wayne
Madsen Report.
Copyright � 2009 WayneMadenReport.com
Wayne
Madsen is a Washington, DC-based investigative journalist and
nationally-distributed columnist. He is the editor and publisher of the Wayne Madsen Report
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