Part 45: How the U.S. engineered the Iraqi holocaust
B. J. Sabri
Journal Contributing Writer
May 31, 2006, 00:51
�Our dark days -- already pitch-black with murder and
lies and hatred and fear -- are about to grow even darker��Chris Floyd,
columnist, Moscow Times [from Blood fruit: the
blowback harvest begins]
Did the United States, under the pretext of �liberating�
Kuwait from the Iraqi occupation, engineer and execute an Iraqi holocaust
to implement, consolidate, and entrench American imperialism in Iraq, and the
By judging from the scale of destruction and death the
United States inflicted on Iraq, and by considering the international and
regional objectives of war, history of U.S. involvement in the Middle East
since the 1930s, control of oil, Israel, U.S.-Israel relations, the answer is
Even so, to back up the charge that the United States
committed a holocaust in Iraq, an investigation on the meaning of the term:
holocaust is indispensable.
As a first step, to qualify the human destruction in Iraq
consequent to the Gulf War as a holocaust, we have to dispense at once with all
preposterous differentiations that American imperialism assigns to the use of
the term or to any other taxonomic categories of mass violence. Second, to
debunk completely the imperialist practice that restricts the application of
the holocaust concept to specific events but not to others, a discussion on the
use of language and derived political vocabulary is in order.
In language, synonyms do not change the basic meaning of a
word. Take for example, the words, kill, slay, destroy, slaughter, or
exterminate. They all mean the same: take life. Yet, the one
subtlety that distinguishes each term is the imagery associated with the given
What these terms would not tell is the magnitude of those
who died. Accepted contemporary definitions resolved this problem by adding
either the qualifier: mass (as in mass destruction) to indicate
lethal violence against large groups, peoples, or nations; by inventing names
based on Roman derivation such as genocide; or by reviving the ancient Hellenic
Before the first Iraqi holocaust (1991), there were many
other large-scale holocausts committed by marauding, colonialist, and
imperialist polities. Among these were Mongolian hordes in Asia and Eastern
Europe; European and American colonialism in the Americas, Australia, New
Zealand, Asia, and Africa; Ottomans against Armenians; Germans against Jehovah
witnesses, Jews, Romanies, communists, etc.; Japanese against Chinese and
Koreans; Israelis against Palestinians; and the United States against Koreans,
Vietnamese, and Panamanians.
A holocaust, as an expression of humanity gone dastardly and
violently bestial, should have neither trophy nor primacy over other despicable
events of mass violence. Still, the Iraqi holocaust is prominent among all
other holocausts for one distinguishing feature: the United States planned for
it with the acquiescence of other colonialist powers of the U.N. Security
Council, and with financing from Japan, Germany, Saudi Arabia, and other
In the end, and for the first time in history, there has
been a �legalized� consensus to perform a holocaust, a fundraising to finance
it, and a deadline to start it.
Since the end of WWII, the emergence of an anti-colonialist
and anti-imperialist culture in developing, oppressed, and colonized countries
(thanks to the great role played by the Soviet Union) tuned to investigate
historical truths, there were many attempts by Western powers to limit the
notion of holocausts to the suffering of Europeans of Jewish faith at the hands
of the Nazi regime. Subsequently, U.S. imperialism and Israel transformed the
word holocaust to an exclusive monopoly belonging to Zionism, and
capitalized the first letter of the word to distinguish and elevate it above
all other holocausts.
Yet, although the mass destruction of a sizable portion of
the Iraqi people by the United States, Britain, and France, is a fact,
imperialist circles, the U.N., official media, and mainstream culture kept it
undisclosed, and rhetorical accounts on Iraq�s victims of war are bypassed as
trivial discussion. Also, imperialist circles often refer to the Iraqis they
killed in 1991 by the generic, numberless phrase: Iraqi deaths in the Gulf War.
Emphatically though, and based on the planned and executed
destruction of Iraq�s infrastructure, water supply, agricultural-industrial
base, hospital systems, as well as the use of radioactive uranium shells, it is
elementary to state that the United States consciously applied all three
categories of extermination: genocide, holocaust, and mass destruction. Why
did I include three denominations denoting extermination of life as if they
were the same? And, what do words such as holocaust, genocide, or mass
destruction mean any way?
To find answers, let us discuss the cogent meaning of genocide,
holocaust, and mass destruction:
Article 2 of The United Nations Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines the term
Any of the following acts committed with intent to
destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group:
(a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to
members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of
life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly
transferring children of the group to another group.
The Convention�s language is unequivocal. It states that, �any
of the following acts committed with intent . . . etc.� constitutes
genocide. By sheer force of logic, items, A, B, and C powerfully qualify
the premeditated American war on Iraq as a genocide that had for finality the
destruction of Iraq�s military population while, in advance, it qualified
potential civilian deaths as unavoidable �collateral damage.�
Among the plethora of definitions given to holocaust, WordNet.com
(by Cognitive Science Laboratory, Princeton University) offers
the most concise definition of the concept. It says, �holocaust: an act of
great destruction and loss of life.� [Italics added]
When the United States executed the burning of the
cradle of civilization, it, unequivocally committed �an act of great
destruction and loss of life.� By the simplicity of WordNet.com�s definition,
that was a holocaust.
Unlike genocide or holocausts, mass destruction is an
ambiguous Western (American) military concept that implies mass death caused by
weapons of mass destruction (WMD.) Are all weapons of mass destruction equal?
It is a known fact that the United States is the only
terrorist state who used true WMD: nuclear bombs. Technically, other weapons
such as chemical weapons that the U.S. categorized as WMD, cannot qualify to be
of equal value to the dreadful destruction that nuclear weapons can do � read
below. Aside from that, the United States used Agent Orange (contains Dioxin, a
lethal toxin) in Vietnam, it bombed Iraq (1991), Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, and Iraq
(2003) with radioactive uranium shells.
Simply, it is a propaganda ploy that the United States
places nuclear, bacteriological, and chemical weapons at equal footing, which
is false; and attributes equal mass destruction to their potential use, which
is false too. For instance, it is a known fact that both Iraq and Iran used
chemical weapons in their eight-year war. Yet, from my research on that war, I
could not find any documentation confirming mass destruction by them. On the
other hand, Iraqi and Iranian conventional weapons killed hundreds of thousands
on both sides.
To be sure, chemical weapons can kill a lot of people, but
the number of people who died by them cannot be treated as full-fledged mass
destruction as in the case of nuclear weapons. For example, in the attack
against the Iraqi city of Halabja attributed to the Iraqi forces fighting
separatist Kurds, American and Kurdish propaganda kept inflating the figures
from 1,500 in 1988 to over 50,000 before and after the U.S. invasion in Iraq in
2003, while the true figures could range from several hundreds up to 5,000. (Source)
Compare a chemical bomb with a 15,000-pound �daisy cutter
bomb� that the U.S. dropped on Afghanistan and on Iraq: �The bomb [daisy
cutter] sprays a mist of chemicals over a large target area, and then ignites
the mist for a huge explosion that incinerates everything within up to
Notice though, that the atomic bombing of Hiroshima turned
over 140,000 people into ashes instantly. Now . . . That was a mass
What is the game behind Washington�s exaggerated use of the
term: weapons of mass destruction? Remember one thing: while nuclear weapons
are expensive and require advanced technological capability, chemical and
bacteriological weapons have existed in crude forms since time immemorial, are
cheap, and easy to produce. Then, who is raising the uproar on chemical weapons
Here is the catch: Israel. While some Arab countries
developed chemical weapons as a minimum �deterrence� against nuclear Israel,
imperialist states developed nuclear weapons as offensive-defensive weapons to
establish both deterrence and hegemony. American imperialism, however, bundled
non-conventional weapons in one category to deflect attention from the real
issue: Israel�s possession of nuclear weapons. Attacking Iraq or any other
country that opposes Israeli imperialism under the pretext of possessing weapons
falsely deemed WMD had become a tenet of U.S. military strategy in the region
and around the world.
In the specific issue which weapon can cause more deaths,
the Gulf War proved that that the combination between massive bombardment with
super-conventional and non-conventional (radioactive uranium that U.S, military
calls, �depleted�) weapons can cause mass destruction equal to that caused by
full-fledged nuclear weapons.
Did the United States then commit mass destruction in
A U.S. Department of Defense document: Instruction Number 5240.16., e1.1.4 defines
WMD as follows: "Any weapon or device that is intended, or has the
capability, to cause death or serious bodily injury to a significant
number of people through the release, dissemination, or impact of toxic or
poisonous chemicals or their precursors; a disease organism; or radiation or
radioactivity." [Italics added]
The key phrase in this definition is �to cause death and
serious bodily injury to a significant number of people . . ." But
the bombing of Iraq in 1991 that left hundreds of thousands of Iraqis dead
because, as I just stated, of the combined use of destructive conventional
weapons as well as uranium and other non-conventional weapons proves that the
United States wantonly committed an act of mass destruction, although it did
not use atomic bombs.
Ashton B. Carter, former Assistant Secretary of Defense in
the Clinton administration, and Co-Director of the Preventive Defense Project
at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government pointed to this intentional (although
he never dubbed it as such) imperialist reductionism. In his article, How to Counter WMD, Carter wrote
The term WMD generally applies to nuclear, biological,
and chemical weapons; ballistic missiles; and, more recently, 'dirty bombs,'
ordinary explosives containing some radioactive material. But this
definition is too broad. Chemical weapons are not much more lethal than
conventional explosives and hardly deserve the WMD label. Similarly, long-range
ballistic missiles are especially destructive only if they have a nuclear or
biological warhead, and so should not be considered a separate category. Dirty
bombs cause local contamination and costly cleanup but not true mass
destruction; they too should be given lower priority.
Having demonstrated that holocaust, genocide, and mass
destruction share similar meaning, it is inescapable that when we look back at
the aftermath of Iraq�s bombardment and ground �war� that killed tens of
thousands of Iraqi civilians and military in just 100 hours, we cannot name
that horrific carnage except by one term: holocaust. Of course, other synonyms
still apply depending on the context of the intended use.
How did the Iraqi holocaust of 1991 influence the American
people at large?
Incessant anti-Iraqi propaganda combined with the adroit use
of fascist psychological tactics to mobilize the American people to support the
war were so powerful that an army of Iraqi and Arab haters, ideological
acolytes of U.S. wars, and bogus freedom lovers from all creeds celebrated the
Iraqi holocaust as a catharsis for the United States (read example). Yet, decency,
compassion, and principle still prevailed among countless other Americans whom
the system could not buy, corrupt, or silence.
Writing for the World Association for Christian
Communication, Thomas J. Gumbleton, a bishop of the Roman Catholic
Archdiocese of Detroit, addressed the attitude of the American people toward
the Iraqi holocaust, but not in relation to the Gulf (War) Aggression, rather
to the price paid by the Iraqis for the genocidal sanctions imposed on them
after the cease-fire. Sadly, what Gumbleton powerfully described has been,
through to the present, the norm that still governs most people�s attitudes
toward the atrocities committed by the United States in its 16-year continuing
unilateral war with Iraq.
In his article: Choosing not to
know: The spiritual crisis that faces the nation, Gumbleton
recalled what former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright told CBS program, 60
Minutes. On that occasion, a Nazi-minded Albright stated that
the death of over 500,000 Iraqi children due to the sanctions was �worth the
price.� Wrote Gumbleton:
I believe that the fact that there is not absolute moral
outrage in our nation when this sort of thing can be shown on �60 Minutes� to
an audience of millions of people, and everybody goes to work the next day
without even thinking twice about it, is itself a moral outrage. To me, that�s
a case of collateral damage and we justify it somehow. It�s a �hard decision,�
yes, of course it�s a hard decision. I almost want to get vulgar in what I want
to say in response to that, but I�ll try to be polite.
A question, �How did the U.S. engineer the Iraqi holocaust?�
And by that, I do not mean the details of the operation but rather the guiding
methodology for war and resulting holocaust.
As a starter, considering the colossal imbalance of power
between a developing country and a superpower, U.S. planners knew that a war
with Iraq would inevitably mean a potential Iraqi holocaust followed by swift
massive degradation of Iraq as a functional nation and more deaths.
Gen. Michael J. Dugan, former Chief of Staff of the U. S.
Air Force, externalized the deliberations of the administration when he stated
(mid summer, 1991) that if war comes, �We will bomb Iraq back into the Stone
Age.� But Dugan went further. In an interview, he delineated the role of Israel
in the planning for war by stating that �a plan to bomb Iraq existed and that
Israel would help the Air Force to select the targets� . Interestingly, George
H. W. Bush fired Dugan. But he did not fire him because of objection to the
essence of the statements, rather because he revealed decisions already taken.
As you know, what Dugan postulated happened verbatim.
But to seal the matter, and tie in the Gulf (War) Aggression
as a stage in the conquest of Iraq, and to cast light on the determination of
the United States to go to war no matter what happened on the diplomatic front,
I shall provide more details to support my argument.
War as an Ideological Necessity
Retired Col. Trevor N. Dupuy, U.S. Army provided a terse
picture on the relation between the ideology of imperialism, rigid
indoctrination, lust for war, disregard for international law, and by
implication contempt for human life.
In the book that he wrote in the summer of 1990 (before the
U.S. attacked Iraq) Dupuy envisioned many scenarios on how to annihilate Iraq.
Following in the American strategy to personalize aggressions abroad by naming
the contenders as U.S. power vs. a foreign leader, Dupuy did not propose the
annihilation of the Iraqi army but the �army of Hussein,� as if the Iraqi
national army was the personal property of the Iraqi president. Dupuy,
therefore, named his book: How to defeat Saddam Hussein.
One such scenario envisioned an Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait
before the expiration of deadline imposed by the U.S. (January 15, 1991). Dupuy
called it, the �January surprise� possibility. The importance of this scenario
is that, although it did not happen, it confirms that U.S. power elites wanted
a war with Iraq at any cost. Wrote Dupuy:
If such a situation [January surprise] transpires, it may
be tempting to �declare victory� and accept compromise. That, however, would simply reward the aggression
and would do nothing to implement UN Security Council resolutions. Nor would it
prevent a recurrence of aggression in the future. It would, in fact, be likely
to ensure future Iraqi aggressions on a much larger scale.
The appropriate response to a �January surprise� would be
to reject outright any Iraqi compromise offer, insist on Iraqi
acceptance of all UN Security Council resolutions, and demand that the Iraqi
Army begin evacuating Kuwait immediately, perhaps a 48-hour extension of the deadline
might be offered. . . . This period would be designated as a period of
�pre-hostilities,� during which the allies would themselves immediately
initiate military activities preparatory to moving into Kuwait and engaging any
remaining Iraqi forces.  [Italics added]
First, Dupuy (a theoretician and author on U.S. militarism,)
explained his penchant for war based on presumable �future Iraqi aggressions.�
Two, he postulated, but without any foundation, that the absence of war against Iraq would
encourage larger scale aggression, as if Iraq�s regional policy, including
options for military intervention in Iran and Kuwait, were purely the results of innate
aggressive impulses but not the outcome of political deliberations by a
presiding government. Third, he clamored for war despite a hypothetical Iraqi
withdrawal. Fourth, he deleted the role of the United Nations that authorized
the war and
reassigned it exclusively to the United States.
All the preceding, and the fact that Dupuy cited repeatedly
the �danger� Iraq posed to Israel, proves that the project for a war with Iraq
(and by implication with the Arab world) had become an ingrained
To summarize, Dupuy�s imperialistic attitudes for a war with
Iraq clarified one fundamental aspect that unifies U.S. imperialists: while
American propaganda machine depicted the United States as searching for a
political settlement, its leadership had already made its choice: war.
For instance, in his meeting with Tariq Aziz in Geneva,
Switzerland (a few days before the war) James Baker essentially adapted Dupuy�s
position: a war must happen. Does that premeditated position constitute engineering
for holocaust? If a superior military power plans a war against a weak country,
then it, logically, is engineering a holocaust among the attacked population.
The case of Tariq
Aziz and James Baker
The meeting between former Secretary of State, James Baker
and former Iraqi Foreign Minister, Tariq Aziz proves beyond any doubt
that the United States of America is permanently a belligerent state, whereby,
given the option between war and peace, it will choose war. Moreover, the
predilection of war is decisively a manufactured impulse whose function is to
preempt negotiations. But if negotiation to avoid war and save life can
succeed, why abort it, unless the plan for genocide to implement imperialism is
the dynamo that moves American decision-making?
James Baker: �I have met with Tariq Aziz not to
negotiate, as we made it clear we would not do � that is, negotiate backwards
from United Nations Security Council resolutions . . . Either comply with the
will of the international community [meaning the United States] and withdraw
peacefully from Kuwait or wait to be expelled by force� 
James Baker and the United States dubbed the meeting with
Tariq Aziz with the propagandistic stunt, �going the extra mile to avoid war.�
But in Geneva, there was no extra mile to go or attempts to negotiate. To
reinforce the determination for war, hence, for planned genocide, Baker treated
the deadline by the U.S.-controlled U.N. Security Council as if it were an
immutable physical law of nature. But, the United States, who imposed on the
�United Nations� the verdict to destroy Iraq, could have changed the rules
without calling any U.N. ambassador.
Did Tariq Aziz come to negotiate?
Tariq Aziz: Pierre Salinger stated that the meeting
between Baker and Aziz failed because �Aziz did not come with any new
proposal.� Surprisingly, Salinger contradicted himself within the same
paragraph. He, himself, stated that Aziz did come with a proposal; it might
have not been new, but considering the nearing deadline and the high-level encounter,
it was a serious proposal that, however, pivoted on a simple request to extend
the expiration of the deadline.
Let me explain. Wrote Salinger, �He [Aziz] had come with
only one objective: to persuade the United States to withdraw the January 15 deadline
adopted by the United Nations. Saddam Hussein was not a man who adopted
deadlines. And he sent Tariq Aziz to Geneva to make clear that Iraq was ready
to talk about a peaceful solution, but only after January 15. This was
something that Secretary of State Baker would never accept.� 
The sentence that Iraq �was ready to talk about a peaceful
solution, etc.� was, indeed, a workable proposal since it clearly indicated
that Iraq was ready to give up Kuwait on a condition that the U.S. not humiliate
it by an artificial deadline.
Why did Baker and the United States not accept postponing a
deadline for holocaust?
You guessed it! The United States had other calculations. So
what were they?
Next: Part 46: Preliminary remarks on the second stage of
 Pierre Salinger, Secrete Dossier, Penguin Books,
1991, p. 174
 Trevor N. Dupuy, How to Defeat Saddam Hussein, Warner
Books, 1991, [Dupuy published the book in 1990 under different title: If war
comes, how to defeat Saddam Hussein]
 Pierre Salinger, Secrete Dossier, Penguin Books,
1991, p. 209
 Ibid, p. 210
James Ridgeway, editor, The March to War, Four Walls
Eight Windows, 1991
Jean Edward Smith, George Bush�s War, Henry Holt and
Ramsey Clark and others, War Crimes, Maisonneuve
Phyllis Bennis and Michel Moushabeck, Beyond the Storm,
Olive Branch Press, 1991
Martin Yant, Desert Mirage, Frometheus Books, 1991
J. Sabri is an Iraqi-American antiwar activist. Email: email@example.com
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