Spooks, the Godfather and JFK
By Natylie Baldwin
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Feb 3, 2006, 15:52
Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy,
the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK
By Lamar Waldron with Thom Hartmann
Carroll & Graff Publishers, New York, NY. 2005
My mother and I used to engage in the requisite family debates about who
was behind the Kennedy assassination. For me it was important to know what
happened from an historical standpoint. But for her it was less academic. She vividly
remembers being sent home early from her fourth-grade class one autumn day
without explanation only to find her mother, who never had a kind word for a
Democrat, in tears as she opened the door.
Like 9/11, the Kennedy assassination was one of those tragically
defining moments in the American experience, a moment when the earth seemed to
temporarily fly off its axis and everything that represented stability, order
and decency was sent hurling out into space.
Mom insisted over the years that it was the Mafia and I pointed out that
the Mafia alone did not have the reach to cover all the angles. And what
motivation would government officials at so many levels have to ensure a
widespread cover-up to protect the Mafia? It seemed to me that mom had simply been
reading too many Andrew Greeley novels. I argued that the government, namely
the intelligence apparatus, had to have been involved. According to Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Robert Kennedy,
the Plan for a Coup in Cuba, and the Murder of JFK, the new book by Lamar
Waldron and Thom Hartmann, we were both right -- though not in exactly the way
I had suspected.
In response to the fresh controversy brought about by the release of
Oliver Stone�s JFK in 1992, the JFK
Assassination Records Review Board was convened by Congress and the Clinton
administration to selectively release documents relating to the assassination
in an attempt to defuse some of the conspiracy theories.
Although the movie was somewhat successful in forcing further debate and
some incremental steps toward release of information, the movie itself was
long, difficult to follow and struck me as another example of self-indulgent
creepiness from Oliver Stone. Gratuitous repetition of the frame where the
president�s brains can be seen exploding out of his cranium had the effect of
reducing John Kennedy the man to the star of a cheap snuff film rather than
providing any useful insight -- the type of stunt Stone just seems compelled to
pull at times.
Where a project like the JFK
film relies heavily upon dramatic innuendo, Ultimate
Sacrifice is based upon a wealth of documented research, including over 4
million government documents that have been declassified within the past 15
years, along with interviews of those who were involved in the Kennedy administration
and/or the secret plan that purportedly led to JFK�s death. In fact, the
density of the information and the number of players in the book�s coverage can
sometimes seem a bit daunting. But the compelling subject matter and the
considerable writing skills of the authors kept me turning the pages of this
hefty tome well into the wee hours on many nights.
The C-day Plan
Fidel Castro had refused to allow U.N. weapons inspectors into Cuba to
verify that all Soviet missiles had been removed after the Cuban Missile
Crisis; therefore, Kennedy�s agreement not to invade Cuba never went into
effect. Since Kennedy was unable to offer confirmation that Cuba did not still
harbor nuclear weapons, he could not really claim to have satisfactorily
resolved the biggest crisis of his presidency.
By 1963, a high Cuban official had initiated contact with the Kennedy
administration about the possibility of leading a �palace coup� to eliminate
Castro with military support from the U.S. Due to national security laws barring
the revealing of intelligence assets both past and present, the authors did not
want to divulge the identity of the Cuban official and voluntary coup leader.
However, they drop numerous hints to imply that it was Che Guevara. Guevara had
become disenchanted with Castro�s autocratic inclinations, including purges of
Noncommunist Socialist Revolutionaries. Furthermore, Guevara and other
revolutionaries with nationalist sentiments resented Castro�s sacrificing of
Cuban independence under increasing Soviet control.
Guevara was probably the only one with sufficient revolutionary street
cred and a remaining power base to pull off something of this nature, although
it was understood that the coup leader would not take actual credit for the
elimination of Castro who still had the support of a significant minority of
the Cuban population and was �passively accepted� by most of the rest of the
island�s residents. After arranging for Fidel and Raul Castro�s
�neutralization,� a euphemism for assassination, the coup leader would preside
over a provisional government until free elections could be held.
According to this book, the Kennedys were prepared to accept a Socialist
Cuba as long as it was independent of Soviet influence and agreed not to
sponsor revolution in other parts of Latin America. It should be noted here
that the authors obviously like the Kennedys and so tend to attribute the most
noble of intentions to them. Were John and Robert Kennedy driven to support
such a plan out of genuine concern for a free and democratic Cuba or was it
Cold War politics and a strategic desire to put any Republican criticisms about
the handling of Cuba to bed just prior to an election year? The authors clearly
believe that the former trumps the latter and that John Kennedy was ultimately
a martyr on behalf of such an ideal -- hence, the title of the book.
For this plan to be successfully implemented, it was imperative that the
Cuban people perceive Castro�s death as resulting from the Soviets or Soviet
sympathizers and that requests for military assistance from the U.S. to protect
the provisional government look authentic. Any indication that the operation
was planned with Americans from the beginning would be extremely dangerous and
could possibly lead to civil war on the island.
Coordination of this high-stakes operation, which the authors refer to
as C-day, was overseen by Attorney General Robert Kennedy and scheduled for
December 1, 1963. Although many government officials were aware of other
operations against Castro that varied in scale and approach, C-day was top
secret and known only to a dozen or so government and military officials. The
CIA was to provide only a modest support role since Kennedy had developed a
distrust of the intelligence community due to the Bay of Pigs debacle.
Apparently, this distrust was well deserved since the CIA continued to pursue
assassination plots against Castro that involved use of the Mafia against the
orders of the Kennedys.
It was these ties to the CIA, along with financial connections with more
than one of the five Cuban exile leaders involved in the C-day operation, which
enabled three regional Mafia bosses to uncover the top-secret plan and use it
on behalf of their own sinister agenda. Many Cuban exile leaders had turned to
the Mafia for funding of their anti-Castro activities when they were not
working with the CIA. The Mafia was more than happy to underwrite these
activities as an investment with any future Cuban leadership.
These mob bosses had a well-known vendetta against the Kennedys that
sprang from the aggressive prosecution of Mafia figures by the attorney
general. The mobsters were also not happy at being excluded from a major plan
to take out Castro since their participation in plots with the CIA in the past
was understood to include the Mafia�s re-establishment of casinos in Havana as
a reward. Aware of the extreme sensitivity in regards to national security
surrounding C-day and that, as a result, a thorough and transparent
investigation would never be undertaken, the Mafia bosses saw a rare
opportunity to hit Kennedy with impunity. They succeeded on their third attempt
after failures in Chicago (Kennedy cancelled his motorcade) and Tampa (thwarted
by the Secret Service) earlier in November of 1963.
In order to pull off the murder of JFK, the Mafia needed a patsy with
plausible political motivations that could be manipulated, specifically ties to
Cuba, so as to trigger the belief that Castro might be retaliating against the
U.S. for the plots against him. Such a belief would set in motion the
government secrecy and cover-up the Mafia would need to hide behind.
Lee Harvey Oswald was a low-level U.S. intelligence operative whose
Communist sympathies and �defection� to Russia were covers. The original
objective that the intelligence community had used Oswald for was as bait for
drawing interest from the KGB, an interest that did not materialize after his
return to the U.S. Subsequently, the intelligence community began grooming him
for a different assignment. In preparation for C-day, the CIA had to get
intelligence assets into Cuba who could, among other things, serve as monitors
of Cuban reaction to Castro�s death in order to determine whether the next
phases of the plan, such as military support, should be carried out. Oswald
could enter Cuba openly through Mexico City with Cuba serving ostensibly as a
transit point to Russia though he would simply stay on in Cuba. This
arrangement could be made as a result of his established (but contrived) pro-Castro
and pro-Soviet activities.
A key figure in setting Oswald up as an unwitting patsy on behalf of the
Mafia, which had infiltrated all aspects of the C-day plan, was Guy Banister, a
corrupt former FBI official out of Chicago. By the early 1960s, Banister was a
private detective in New Orleans where he had previously worked as a police
officer. He participated in projects for both the CIA and the Mafia, including
the aforementioned CIA-Mafia assassination plots, and was astute at working
with associates from either network in addition to using his extensive police
agency contacts. Oswald would have reasonably assumed that any directives or
assistance he received through Banister or his affiliates was part of the
Once Oswald was publicly fingered as the man responsible for the
assassination with his Communist pro-Castro sympathies as the motivation, he
was to be taken out before any holes in the story could be exposed.
Jack Ruby, a small time hood who had become a trusted errand boy of
sorts for the Mafia, had developed notorious inside connections with the Dallas
Police Department by 1963. Additionally, Ruby had been a CIA-sanctioned
gunrunner on behalf of the mob in the late 1950s, selling arms to both the Castro
Revolutionaries and the Batista dictatorship. The Mafia intended to �hedge
their bets� with whoever emerged victorious as well as to make as much money as
possible by selling to both sides. According to the authors� sources, the U.S.
government initially had a noncommittal attitude toward Castro. Once Castro
began to institute a land redistribution plan, however, this ambivalence
quickly turned to hostility as Vice President Richard Nixon subsequently
pressured the CIA to have Castro removed from power, which served as the
catalyst for the assassination/coup plots in partnership with the mob that
began in 1959.
Parenthetically speaking, Ultimate
Sacrifice demonstrates that it is highly unlikely that the CIA as an
institution, including its highest ranking officials, knowingly participated in
JFK�s assassination. However, the possibility is acknowledged that a rogue
element within the intelligence agency could have had knowing involvement;
namely, the Miami station chief, David Morales, who worked closely with one of
the three Mafia dons in the Castro assassination plots.
Of course, the intelligence community executed a cover-up after the fact
to protect their image and their operations from public exposure. Officials
throughout the government participated in the cover-up, often at the behest of
other government agencies citing national security, to avoid any possibility
that the C-day plan would leak out for fear that tensions with the Soviet Union
would quickly escalate. The serendipitous effect was the brutal murder of a
president, the perpetrators never being brought to justice, and a major
deception foisted upon the American public about the circumstances surrounding
a national trauma.
All those intrigued by the JFK assassination mystery over the years will
find this a must-read. A review attempting to summarize the main points is
ultimately a poor substitute for connecting all the dots detailed in the book.
As one previous reviewer stated, this book will likely serve as �the final word
until 2018� when more documents relating to the assassination are scheduled to
Natylie Baldwin is a writer and activist living in the
San Francisco Bay Area. She is also a former
editor and contributor to Newtopia Magazine.
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