Pain, injustice and humiliation
By Linda S. Heard
Online Journal Contributing Writer
May 15, 2008, 00:10
Every anniversary of
Israel's birth is another scar on the soul of every Palestinian. Six decades
have elapsed since Israel's reign of terror when 700,000 Palestinians were
forced or intimidated into fleeing their homes little knowing they would never
be allowed to return.
Most were destined to
live out their lives in refugee camps, stateless and reliant upon charitable
donations. The few who managed to return clutching precious keys and deeds were
usually devastated to discover their homes had been demolished or their
villages erased, giving fuel to the Zionist slogan "A land without a
people for a people without a land".
This 60th
commemoration of the Palestinian Nakba or "Catastrophe" is
particularly poignant because not only are the Palestinians physically split
between the West Bank and Gaza, they are also divided ideologically and
politically. Many are disillusioned with their own leadership and are sceptical
of Israeli and US promises which sound positive but never seem to manifest.
Most of all they are
tired of chasing moonbeams. Today, a Palestinian state is as elusive as ever.
So much injustice! So much pain and humiliation! So much violence! So many dead
children! Yet 60 years on, the Palestinians are still crying out for the
birthright of every one on earth -- the right to live in peace in their own
homeland.
We must surely ask
the question: Why? With so many of the planet's finest minds focused on how to
bring about Middle East peace, why is it in all these years nobody has
succeeded or even managed to come close?
Are we to believe
that the US, which is Israel's closest ally and the most economically and
militarily powerful nation in the world, is unable to coax or batter a
two-state solution into fruition?
US Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice is currently engaged in shuttling around the region. She says
she still believes an Israeli-Palestinian peace deal is achievable before her
boss leaves office at the end of this year. Who is she trying to kid!
Neither the Israelis
nor the Palestinians have a leader that speaks for the majority in the way
Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin did, while George W. Bush is no Carter or
Clinton when it comes to being a proactive mediator.
In any case,
Washington pays only lip service to Middle East peace. It's merely used as a
carrot to dangle in front of Arab nations every time the US needs to tempt them
to sign on to an unpopular policy. In reality, a comprehensive peace involving
Israel plus all 22 members of the Arab League and rubber-stamped by Iran would
be strategically disastrous for US interests.
A Middle East where
everybody got along in harmony, prosperity and security would become an area
over which the US would have little control. With flourishing economies, trade
and tourism no country would be dependent on American handouts and the demand
for "made in the USA" weapons would swiftly decline.
This is why the US
administration has always been lukewarm about the 2002 Saudi initiative that
called for normalisation of relations between all Arab states and Israel in
return for the latter's withdrawal behind 1967 borders, a just solution to the
Palestinian refugee problem and the setting up of a Palestinian state with East
Jerusalem as its capital.
Normalisation of
relations, which flies in the face of the old divide and rule principle, is not
what Washington wants.
Bulwark
To understand this
bulwark of American Middle East foreign policy, we need to step back in
history. Although the US was the first country to recognise the fledgling State
of Israel in 1948, it considered the area as part of the British sphere of
influence. It was only later, when it became evident that Britain had lost its
grip, leaving a power vacuum that the Soviets were eager to fill that
Washington got involved.
When Israel put on an
impressive display of military prowess during the 1967 war, the US took notice.
For the first time, Washington realised that "little Israel" was
capable of acting as its surrogate.
Following the 1973
war, it promptly increased its aid to Israel by more than 400 percent. By then
the US had supplanted France as Israel's main weapons supplier and had begun to
champion Israel's interests in the UN Security Council, irrespective of whether
or not Israel's actions contravened international treaties or humanitarian law.
It was President
Richard Nixon who sealed a mutually beneficial partnership with Israel designed
to further US hegemony. Nixon devised a geopolitical strategy known as the
Nixon Doctrine, whereby the US would select certain allies to stand as
sentinels of American power within their own regions. Israel was and is
America's sentinel in the Middle East. Its preferred status relies on its
regional military superiority and its willingness to abide by US diktats.
The only way the US
will cease to be part of the problem and become part of the solution is if the
White House gets an incumbent with a strong moral code; someone with enough
courage to lean on Israel even if this means incurring the wrath of Congress or
the pro-Israel lobby.
In the meantime, a
miracle might be nice!
Linda
S. Heard is a British specialist writer on Middle East affairs. She welcomes
feedback and can be contacted by email at heardonthegrapevines@yahoo.co.uk.
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