John McCain won�t be looking for the union label
By Walter Brasch
Online Journal Contributing Writer
May 2, 2008, 00:12
Don�t expect any labor union to endorse John McCain for
president in the general election. The wounds from the Bush�Cheney administration
are just too deep. Their reasons aren�t because of social justice issues that
once pervaded the labor movement, but on bread-and-butter issues that have
dominated unions the past five decades.
�Our economy is in crisis after years of failed Bush administration
policies that Sen. McCain has adopted as his own,� says Karen Ackerman, AFL-CIO
political director. McCain, says Steve Smith, AFL-CIO senior media outreach
specialist, �assails working families from worker health care and safety to
trade policies.�
McCain, in agreement with Bush, has voted against protecting
overtime pay and for trade deals that consistently send American jobs offshore,
often to countries where sweat shop labor is common. McCain has also voted
against health insurance for children and worker safety and health. American
labor also opposes his votes to privatize Social Security.
McCain, who has cultivated a media image as a
straight-shooting maverick, during the past seven years supported Bush 89
percent of the time, with a record high of 95 percent support last year,
according to data published in the Congressional Quarterly. The only reason McCain �has some
appeal to working class voters,� says Smith, �is because they haven�t had a
chance to learn about his policies.�
The 56-union federation, which represents about 13 million
workers, intends to change that perception. It has developed a $53.4 million
education campaign, largest in its history, to give its members information
about McCain�s policies. The �McCain Revealed� campaign includes more than
425,000 flyers, a massive door-to-door canvas on May 17, a strong worker
presence at all McCain events, and a website (www.mccainrevealed.org) with information not only
about McCain, but also about the political beliefs of Hillary Clinton, Barack
Obama, and Ron Paul.
The AFL-CIO itself has not endorsed any candidate --
two-thirds of its unions must endorse a specific candidate for the federation
to make an endorsement -- but several member unions have already supported
candidates.
Hillary Clinton has endorsements from 12 major national
unions, representing about 4.9 million members. Lined up behind the New York
senator are the Amalgamated Transit Union; American Federation of State, County,
and Municipal Employees; American Federation of Teachers; International
Alliance of Stage Employees, Moving Picture Technicians and Allied Crafts;
International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers; International
Union of Bricklayers and Allied Craftworkers; International Union of Painters
and Allied Trades; National Association of Letter Carriers; Office and
Professional Employees International Union; Sheet Metal Workers International
Association; United Farm Workers; and the United Transportation Union.
Although Barack Obama has endorsements from only seven major
unions -- with most endorsements coming after the Feb. 5 Super Tuesday primary
that pushed him into both popular vote and delegate leads -- they represent
about 6.3 million members. Only the International Brotherhood of Boilermakers,
Transport Workers Union, and the United Association of Plumbers and Pipe
Fitters are affiliated with the AFL-CIO. Obama�s other support comes from
powerful independent unions -- the 1.3 million member United Food and
Commercial Workers Union; the 1.9 million member Service Employees
International Union; the 500,000 member Unite Here, which represents workers
primarily in the hospitality, gaming, textile, foods service, and laundry
industries; and the 1.4 million member International Brotherhood of Teamsters.
The Teamsters� endorsement may seem unusual. Obama�s support
among college-educated youth, affluent professionals, and liberals is a
contrast to the working blue-collar class, a large number who are conservative
Democrats or Reagan Democrats that is the core of the Teamsters� membership.
Seldom has the union supported liberals, and would be more inclined to support
McCain. During its 28-year expulsion from the AFL-CIO (1957�1985), the
Teamsters endorsed Richard Nixon in 1972, the year after he pardoned Jimmy
Hoffa. The Teamsters that year were one of only three unions to endorse Nixon.
However, many unions didn�t endorse anyone that year, a slap at Democratic
policies that were pushing for stronger integration of minorities within the
largely white male-dominated unions, and at George McGovern, the party�s
antiwar nominee who was seen as too liberal for the rank-and-file membership.
The unions also had learned during the first term of
Franklin D. Roosevelt�s administration that it was beneficial to have a friend
in the White House; later presidents and front-runners, even if they weren�t
labor-friendly, were able to exploit this strategy. The Teamsters also
supported Ronald Reagan, who went from being a liberal Democrat and president
of the Screen Actors Guild to being a thorn in labor�s side. Not satisfied with
being bruised by anti-labor policies, the Teamsters then supported Reagan�s
successor, George H.W. Bush. Although most unions supported Al Gore in 2000,
the Teamsters gave only lukewarm assistance, and then cozied up to George W.
Bush and his decidedly anti-union policies after the election.
For the 2008 election, the Teamsters� Galen Munroe says, �We
felt that Sen. Obama was the best choice.� He would not give specific reasons
why Obama was the �best choice.� However, the union�s refusal to support
Hillary Clinton could be a reaction to fall-out from Bill Clinton�s support of
NAFTA as well as a feeling that he didn�t adequately keep the Teamsters close
enough during his eight-year presidency.
Not endorsing either Clinton or Obama, but expected to
endorse whoever becomes the party�s nominee, are several unions that had
endorsed Christopher Dodd (International Association of Firefighters) or John
Edwards (the United Steelworkers, United Mine Workers, and the United
Brotherhood of Carpenters; the Transport Workers Union had endorsed Edwards
prior to switching to Clinton after Edwards dropped out of the race). Edwards
and Dennis Kucinich were probably labor�s strongest allies.
The National Education Association, with one-third of its
3.2 million members Republicans, will probably endorse a Democrat by the
general election. However, the day after Super Tuesday, NEA president Reg
Weaver said that neither Obama nor Clinton �has made the case that would earn
them the Association's recommendation.� Also holding off their endorsements are
the Communications Workers of America, with about 700,000 members, and the
United Auto Workers, which represents about 1.4 million active and retired
workers.
The only Republican to have received an endorsement from a
major trade union was Mike Huckabee, who received the support of the
International Association of Machinists, which also endorsed Clinton in the
primaries.
The progressive militancy of the unions had begun
deteriorating in the early 1950s, decimated by the anti-Communist witch-hunts
of the McCarthy era. The result was a nation -- and most of the labor force and
unions -- turning more conservative. Unions began justifying their support for
what they saw as labor-friendly Republicans, while withholding support for
worker-friendly liberal Democrats.
Hopefully, the anti-McCain education campaign of organized
labor, combined with strong support for either Obama or Clinton, both of them
liberal and worker-friendly, will finally remove the smear that unions
slathered upon themselves and lead to a renewed energy for not only
bread-and-butter issues but for social justice as well.
Walter
Brasch, an award-winning journalist, is professor of mass communications at
Bloomsburg University. His latest book is "Sinking
the Ship of State: The Presidency of George W. Bush." You may contact Brasch through his website,
www.walterbrasch.com.
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