Hope, change, and pissing in the wind: Of Obama, Democrats, and the power elite
By Patrice Greanville and
Jason Miller
Online Journal Guest Writers
Online Journal Guest Writers
Mar 24, 2008, 00:46
Charismatic, articulate, smooth, and intelligent, Barrack
Obama is the living embodiment of his vague, ethereal, and tantalizing messages
of �hope� and �change.� To the millions upon millions of US Americans desperate
to purge the naked imperialism and blatant criminality of the Bush
administration from the White House, Obama IS hope and change. Yet like many
establishment liberals before him, Obama is no cure for the malignant creep
toward fascism plaguing our nation. If elected, at best he will merely serve to
postpone the inevitable a bit.
To understand why Obama and the ilk he took with him to DC
would be little or no better than the human excrement currently occupying the
tangible, visible positions of power in the US, let�s examine various facets of
Obama [1] and of our rotten-to-the-core sociopolitical and socioeconomic
systems.
Issue one is that Obama or no Obama, we are still stuck with
a bourgeois democracy. Which means that despite all the rhetoric and
mythologies about equality, freedom, meritocracy, opportunity, and a host of
other lies that placate the masses and maintain the social order, the United
States is a nation of the rich, by the rich and for the rich.
Even if we suspend our critique of Obama for a moment and
pretend he is a man of saintly virtue, trusting an Obama or a JFK or whomever
to do the right thing by the nation, the environment, the people, etc., rests
on the assumption that the American president is indeed an all-powerful figure
capable of enacting or precipitating policies of tremendous consequence for the
country. This illusion holds when the person in the executive office is moving
within the traditional confines, values and methods of the capitalist system,
which even such a �radical� as FDR observed. In such a case, the media would
not align and uniformly attack him and there would not be a capital strike (as
savage capitalism has waged against true left reformers like Allende); we�d
just see a sectoral division within the ruling class, and factions would
develop -- but the policy dialogue would remain within the historically
acceptable parameters of capitalists elites. Their principal interest would be
to maintain and preserve as many of their privileges and as much of their way
of life as possible. That was fine for FDR�s time.
However, let�s look at the larger picture we traverse today.
In the current circumstances we face, we see a rapidly
degenerating empire, in which the logical evisceration of formal aspects of
democracy proceeds accordingly. The prospect is for endless wars, more
super-exploitation of the planet, and so on. If any �remedial� policies are
implemented against judicial abuse, planetary death, or human/non-human animal
exploitation in various contexts, these cannot take hold and neutralize the
overarching slide toward worse because �toward worse� is embedded in the
dynamics of the system -- and how could it be otherwise in a socioeconomic
structure premised on greed and selfishness? There are systemic contradictions
at play that almost force the hand of capitalists to do what they do -- for
example, they are now trying to roll back the social democratic gains of the
European working class during the postwar period. Merkel, Brown, Berlusconi,
and Sarkozy are no accidents. They represent the concerted effort of the
European bourgeoisie, egged on by the American elites [2], to push back on the
working class and take it all back under the pretext of �remaining competitive�
and a plethora of other fraudulent reasons.
Capitalism faces insoluble issues. As the world�s population
continues to grow, it cannot hope to cure unemployment -- ever -- because the
dynamic of modern capitalist industry is toward ever larger portions of machine
labor replacing human labor. Neither science nor technology can be stopped. And
advancing technology naturally makes work production routines continuously more
efficient, thereby reducing the need for human workers. This phenomenon can be
seen nearly everywhere now (it was always there lurking right under the
surface, but remained hidden from most via cultivated ignorance, lies, and the
complicity of the media) including in �cheap labor� zones such as India and
China, which at last count had more than 150 million unemployed. In many places
in Europe one paycheck has to be spread among two or even three �employed�
workers. That means that two jobs have vanished and the fiction of smaller
unemployment is kept alive by musical chairs, a trick which is becoming
increasingly transparent to many.
The American people, in keeping with their reputation as the
most misinformed people on the planet, have been the slowest to recognize that
as citizens of a clearly fibrillating bourgeois democracy they are perpetually
teetering on the brink of fascism. Meanwhile, while the world edges ever closer
to the edge, the media -- including those revered phonies on the PBS Lehrer
Newshour -- rarely talk about these things and the politicians even less (both
out of sheer ignorance and a sense that such topics are taboo), which enables
the cancer to grow unchecked. What we do receive are fictions like those of
Robert Reich and his ilk, who go about preaching the pseudocure of �better
education� and job retraining for technological unemployment. Reich -- a
terrifically intelligent fellow -- may really believe his own message, but
either way, it doesn�t matter because the solution is no solution. This is not
to say that under any and all circumstances it�s not better to be educated.
However the structural aspects of a capitalist economy at this point make that
posture moot: all the titles in the world will not get you a job when the
economy says it needs only five PhDs and 10 skilled technicians while there are
25,000 PhDs and 15 million technicians clamoring for jobs. (Check out Jeremy
Rifkin�s The End of Work, to get a taste of what this is all
about).
Those who bank on stopping the slide to fascism through a
liberal president are deluding themselves, because the American president is
powerful only when he�s playing with the consent of most of the ruling class
and the institutions it controls. Such personal power deflates rapidly when
playing against the values and consensus of the US power elite, at which point
a �rogue president� would likely suffer a wave of opposition that would
literally bring him down via impeachment or through a coup orchestrated during
a state of tumult created by capital strikes, agents provocateurs, and the
media. Not to mention even a military takeover.
Further, we must recall that the slide to fascism is both a
witting and unwitting choice by the bourgeoisie in power. The very essence of
capitalism is anarchy: anarchy in production, anarchy in distribution and so
on. Military precision may rule the day within each business entity, but from
the larger societal perspective there is little coordination, only the selfish
pursuits of the companies in play. Hence the horrific duplication and waste we
see. For example, in the health care sector up to one-third of costs are
squandered on paper-shuffling. None of this is likely to change until one deals
with the fatal flaws of capitalism, which an Obama is about as likely to do as a
lion is to go vegetarian.
Remember that FDR�s reforms (FDR representing the classic
example of the �savior� liberal president), radical as they seem now (and
denounced at the time by many fellow capitalists as sheer communism and rank
�class betrayal�) were never such; they were just realistic measures to save
the store that remained at all times totally respectful of the rights of
private big business property. Thus FDR never really went deep into the
question of workplace democracy, production choices, income distribution, or
many other issues that would have meant a true clash of class interests. And
the war, of course, obscured all that. Sure, FDR entered the war against the
Axis, and momentarily a segment of official propaganda shifted to demonize the
Germans and Japanese instead of the �Reds.� but those were not so much
antifascist/anti-imperialist sentiments as nationalist power calculations.
The above means that if the ruling cliques deem it necessary
to take the �nice mask� of democracy off (a big gamble since they may never
restore the �legitimacy� they retain through this ruse), it will happen, no
matter who�s nominally in charge at the White House. In the case of the
Bush/Cheney duo, they were born to stage the perfect friendly fascist coup and
have almost pulled it off in slow motion over the last eight years. But if
confronted with a less cooperative president, the power elite would find a way
to neutralize him. We�re dealing with a huge cast of actors here, many with
colossal stakes, and who have enormous resources at their disposal to create
all sorts of mischief, which they have done at taxpayer expense all over the
world for years. These criminals will not give up their accustomed ways without
a fight. In fact, they will do as Bush/Cheney have done and go on the offensive
in a nearly transparent way.
What the world needs desperately (and we are using this word
sans hyperbole here) are dramatic changes in policies and top personnel and new
models of advanced democratic enfranchisement. That means real democratic
restructuring, proportional representation, certifiable elections, workplace
democracy, a disenfranchisement of the power and income rights of the reigning
plutocracy, and an effective global program of ecological respect and sanity. Do
you see that being initiated under any establishment politico, including �Mr.
Change� himself? Do you see any of these radical (yet utterly necessary)
changes being implemented without a huge fight from capital and its affiliated
elites around the globe?
Even if, and that is a
big if, Obama wanted to institute beneficent change, he would be facing
impossible odds. Need proof? Consider one of the ugliest and most absurd
contradictions of American capitalism. Despite front-page acknowledgement by
the crypto-fascist WSJ in 1973 that 68 percent of US Americans supported a
universal, single-payer health care system, the fact that even fellow
capitalist nations have such a system, and the reality that our existing health
care system is ruining many capitalists in the US (especially those in the
small and middle sectors, but even making corporate giants like GM
uncompetitive), the health of the masses remains tertiary to the profits of
health care industry giants and to the availability of the gold standard in health
care to a relative few. Think Obama and his family don�t have the best medical
care known to man?
The American people must de-link themselves from our
farcical presidential election circus, turn their eyes to a different kind of
electoral politics, develop and field new forms of oppositional struggle, and
create mass mobilization instruments such as a real popular party. In all these
tasks, the Democrats like Obama just stand in the way, beguiling the people
with illusions and sucking up precious oxygen. That long journey has to be
made, and the sooner the better. Trying to avoid the arrival of fascism by
appealing to the �good cop� of the bourgeoisie is an illusion; fascism can only
be stopped when the masses are organized -- and fully aware.
Some think we gain time for such organization under the
Democrats. Problem is the Democrats and their half measures that appear to
thwart the capitalist juggernaut are what keeps the masses enthralled with the
system and in effect dissuade them from joining the struggle against it. The
public will not do what needs to be done until professional and charismatic
charlatans like Obama are revealed for what they are. Band-Aid solutions by the
Democrats will not stop the slide toward the disaster and chaos guaranteed by
the dynamics of the system.
Simply look at what has happened with the subprime crisis,
an abortion that wriggled and writhed its way directly from the foul womb of a
freewheeling, mature, ultra-cynical crony capitalism. It was a deep-rooted
phenomenon that happened as inevitably as the transformation of
undifferentiated cells into cancers. Politicians could not see it or stop it
because that�s not their job under the traditional task distribution of the
system.
Obama or anyone else in the establishment can�t cure the
myriad ills of capitalism. These ills can never be cured from within or through
playing by the accepted rules of the world�s plutocracy. That�s why all
American politicians are into tinkering and superficialities. Their programs
and �solutions� to the most glaring and obvious aspects of a severely broken
system are complex, almost ludicrous Rube Goldberg contraptions (the health
system comes to mind yet again). Obama and his fellow liberals are incredible
illusionists: they give the people the distinct impression they are acting to
cure the very disease that provides the lifeblood to the opulent class whose
interests they strive so hard to preserve. This would be obvious to most US
Americans and the Washington Post, the WSJ, CBS, NBC, Fox, CNN, the NY Times
and even the CIA headquarters would have been stoned and razed to the ground
already if so many of us were not brain dead and kept in that vegetative state
by the corporate media, an entity that more aware Latin Americans justly call,
the �falsimedia.�
So if Obama -- let alone Hillary -- won�t and can�t
guarantee the defeat of friendly-fascism in America, what�s the point? Sure,
Obama very intelligently trades on hope. And many people, us included, are
always loath to give up on hope. Hope is a powerful drug.
But hope must always be tempered with reason, especially in
politics and war. And no reasonable human being could conclude that putting
Obama at the helm of the USS Titanic would avert disaster for anyone but him
and his cronies in the first class berths.
Suddenly Ralph Nader doesn�t sound like such a ridiculous
option, unless you�re a plutocrat or a corporado.
Further reading:
1. Check out radical historian and activist Paul Street�s
thorough deconstruction of Obama.
2. For a penetrating analysis of the power structure of our
bourgeois democracy, take a look at this excerpt from C Wright
Mills�s �Power Elite.�
Patrice
Greanville is Cyrano�s Journal Online�s founder and
editor in chief. Jason Miller is CJO�s Associate Editor and Editorial Director
of Thomas Paine�s Corner, Cyrano�s largest blog.
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