Cheney and Rumsfeld pressured CIA to mislead Congress in the 1970s, too
By Margie Burns
Online Journal Contributing Writer
May 27, 2009, 00:21
The first time Dick
Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld pressured the CIA to mislead Congress was in 1975
and 1976, when Cheney was chief of staff to President Gerald Ford and Rumsfeld
was Ford’s secretary of defense.
Cheney, having held
a series of positions alongside Rumsfeld -- starting under him in the Nixon
administration -- also became campaign manager for Ford’s reelection campaign.
George H. W. Bush was head of the CIA, appointed by Jerry Ford when Ford
switched Rumsfeld from White House chief of staff to secretary of defense.*
The mission of the
three men was to protect the Ford presidency and some elements in the CIA from
the Church Committee. According to researcher Lamar Waldron, they
succeeded.
Waldron is
co-author, with Thomas Hartmann, of Legacy of Secrecy: The Long Shadow of the JFK Assassination, an exhaustively documented 800 pages
compiling more than three decades of research into the assassinations of John
F. Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert F. Kennedy. In two recent
interviews of more than an hour each, Waldron discussed how much some things
haven’t changed since before Watergate.
Reacting to public
outrage over a series of abuses -- including domestic surveillance -- exposed
during Watergate, the Nixon impeachment and the winding down of the Vietnam
War, in 1975 Congress authorized a special senate committee chaired by Democrat
Frank Church of Idaho to look into abuses of the intelligence agencies,
primarily the CIA and FBI. The Church Committee was convened, getting off to a
slow start and under steady CIA-friendly media fire from the beginning; Ford
appointed George H. W. Bush as head of the CIA and Donald Rumsfeld as secretary
of defense in October 1975.
As Waldron points
out, we now know from thousands of documents declassified since the 1970s that
a massive amount of vital information was withheld by Cheney, Rumsfeld and Bush
from the Senate’s Church Committee. The White House and top echelon of the CIA
withheld from the committee information about the CIA’s manipulation of the
news media; domestic spying; and material about Cuba, including JFK’s plan to
topple Fidel Castro on December 1, 1963, the Mafia’s infiltration of the
anti-Castro plan, and the CIA’s unauthorized continuation of agency plotting to
use the Mafia to assassinate Castro. Waldron and Hartmann document in Legacy
of Secrecy that then-CIA official Richard Helms withheld the unauthorized
extension of the mob-linked anti-Castro plots from JFK himself, and from
President Lyndon Johnson and from the Warren Commission afterward -- and even
from JFK’s own CIA Director.
The legacy of
secrecy -- often for political or career reasons, depending on the individual,
or for bureaucratic self-protection -- continued throughout the sixties and
seventies to the Church investigation. Some particularly flashy and sensational
material on the larger issues was shared with the committee, garnering
headlines. Elements of the Castro assassination plots like those ‘exploding
cigars’ to be given to Fidel, for example, were divulged by the CIA to Church
and were exposed with much fanfare. But the deeper concern of intensive Mafia
participation in the anti-Castro plots was never fully investigated -- not even
by the later House Select Committee on Assassinations, and certainly not by the Church committee.
The back story is
that from 1960 to 1963 Mafia participation in plots to assassinate Castro
became, tragically for the United States, a powerful Mafia participation in plots
to assassinate President Kennedy. The CIA picked up too lethal a tool in
choosing the Mob to carry out its plans to remove Castro.
To this day, the
general public -- which never bought the ‘lone nut’ theory that the manipulated
Lee Harvey Oswald, a beginning-level marksman, singlehandedly brought off the
miracle shot of the assassination -- still has not been permitted to know the
full extent of the powerful arsenal of resources trained against President
Kennedy by the wealthiest Mafia families in the U.S. Coordinated by Carlos
Marcello, head of the oldest Mafia family in the U.S. (dating from the 19th
century) and Gulf Coast kingpin in control of Louisiana and Texas, they had
planned since 1962 to take out the Kennedy brothers -- either Attorney General
Robert Kennedy, aggressively pursuing the Mob, or, more effectively, the
brother in the White House who had appointed him as AG. When John Kennedy came
down South -- as they had previously threatened -- they took him out, having
tried twice before in November 1963 to get JFK, once in Tampa and once in
Chicago. The helpless Oswald -- seen drinking a Coke in the Texas Book
Depository two minutes after Kennedy’s murder -- was then taken out himself, by
heavily mob-connected ‘nightclub owner’ (actually, mob gnome) Jack Ruby, given
basically full run of the Dallas police station. The general public has also
not been permitted to know the full extent of Ruby’s Mafia involvement, despite
hundreds of pages of information detailing his mob connections.
One continuing
consequence is the effect on U.S. relations with Cuba to this day, something
Waldron and Hartmann deplore. As Waldron says, no national security reason
justifies hiding the JFK assassination archives in the year 2009. Congress
intended them to be revealed years ago; the Cuban official implicated in the
anti-Castro plots -- Almeida -- has long since been outed and forgiven; and
both the United States and Cuba would benefit from expanded trade and other
relationships.
Releasing more
millions of pages of documents already declassified would illuminate more
history of the twentieth century, including one of its defining tragic events.
Waldron says, in the wake of current controversy, that he would like very much
to see Cheney testify under oath about the material withheld from the Church
Committee. After all, there is no legitimate security concern to justify
keeping the material hidden. There is no argument, however specious, that
releasing it would somehow endanger our troops.
There is not even an
argument, in regard to those anti-Castro plots, that ‘they worked.’ As Waldron
says, “Nobody thought Castro would be in office this long.” Of course, as he
also remarks, nobody thought during the 1970s that Cheney and Rumsfeld and George
H. W. Bush would be back in government again, either, much less that they would
return as vice president and secretary of defense in a bloody war and president,
respectively. If we don’t learn from the past, we are condemned to relive it,
with a vengeance. (The late Mary McGrory wrote about the return to government
of so many Nixon retreads in her columns; very few other established Washington
journalists did so, at least in newspapers and television news.)
In these changing
times, one reason it would have been good to see the luminous Caroline Kennedy
in the Senate is that she would be an excellent resource in support of warmer
relations with Cuba. Few individuals would be better qualified to represent --
just by her presence -- U.S. awareness of our need to reach out to the islands
near us, including Cuba, in a favorable, beneficial and practical way.
* * * * *
*Rumsfeld was Ford’s
transition chairman in the WH, then chief of staff 1974 to 1975; secdef for
Ford 1975-1977 (and secdef for GWBush 2001-2006, youngest and oldest person
ever and 2nd longest holding that ofc, etc). Appointd secdef in Oct 1975 when
George HW Bush appointd CIA head.
*Cheney was on
Rumsfeld’s staff under Nixon; Cheney and Rumsfeld both were Nixon alums, along
with GHW Bush, who was previously head of the Republican National Committee and
resisted acknowledging the ills of Watergate to the bitter end. Cheney became assistant to pres under Ford;
became Ford’s chief of staff when Rumsfeld became secdef, and Ford’s campaign
manager. As deputy asst to pres in 1974-75, he memoed Rumsfeld about using the
DOJ to get at journalist Seymour Hersh, then of the NYTimes.” Waldron says that
all the information about CIA manipulation of the news media has “definitely
not” come out. Much of it is contained in documents still held by the CIA in
spite of being declassified.
Margie
Burns, a freelance writer in the Washington, DC, area, can be reached at margie.burns@gmail.com.
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