Political culture and corruption in Greece: A synergistic relationship
By Chronis Polychroniou
Online Journal Guest Writer
Feb 4, 2008, 01:55
Financial scandals hover over political life ever more
perniciously in today’s world and
even nations with long established democratic institutions and distinctively
refined civic cultures are not immune to them. The United States is a
particularly striking case of endless problems rearing their ugly heads as a
result of the marriage between financial interests and politics, especially
during the era of the presidency of George W. Bush, while the Blair financial
scandals in the UK will stand in the annals of embarrassment.
It is not surprising then that nations such as Greece,
latecomers into the modern culture of constitutional democratic dispositions,
civic knowledge and civic education, are routinely faced with vast financial
and political scandals which threaten to tear completely apart the society’s
ethical fabric by rendering obsolete the social contract and making a mockery
of truth and of the very notion of democratic politics. As a brutal form of
market capitalism has taken over social life, public institutions, public
trust, non-commodified values have all taken sharp blows and governments have
completely surrendered to large corporate interests. Democracy and its
definition of public service as the spirit of the common good has been stripped
of any substantive meaning while the mass media, owned mostly by plutocrats,
are largely feeding government propaganda, with celebrity narratives and
entertaining, feel good stories.
While graft and corruption have always been an integral part
of Greece’s political culture, thanks to the existence of a paternalistic state
where “kickbacks” constitute routine practice for the provision of public
services, the country has been rocked in the last several years by a series of
big time political finance scandals under both socialist (Pasok) and
conservative (New Democracy) rule.
Looting of public wealth under two decades of socialist rule
(Pasok ruled Greece for most of the 1980s and 1990s and lost office at the
March 7, 2004 national elections to the conservative party of New Democracy)
had become an art form and covering up corruption a science. The Greek stock
market surge in the late 1990s and then its abrupt collapse in 2000 ruined
thousands of small investors and saw the largest transfer of wealth from the
many to the few in recent Greek history, in what is widely regarded to have
been a political scam of the first kind. The resulting trauma from the stock
market scandal is one that Greek progressive voters are still unwilling to
forget. So, Pasok continues to be perceived as the political party under whose
rule corruption in Greece reached new, unprecedented heights and the socialists
are unable to close the gap against the conservatives even when the ruling
party of New Democracy is equally bedeviled by corruption.
Bond trading scandals in which state pension funds overpaid
millions of euros for state bonds, a sleazy sweep up of the Vodafone case
(Vodafone was embroiled in phone tapping scandals involving leading business
and political members of the Greek establishment), dubious business dealings by
a host of ministers and deputies which led in the end to their downfall, last summer’s
forest fires catastrophe and the subsequent parceling out of burned forest land
to private interests have pretty much characterized the political style of New
Democracy during its tenure in power. All this while its leader, Prime Minister
Costas Karamanlis, made transparency and the fight against corruption, crowned
by a zero tolerance policy, his party’s dominant themes in both the 2004 and
2007 electoral campaigns.
To the avalanche of recent corruption scandals, the case of
the suicide attempt of the former and all powerful general secretary of the
Ministry of Culture, Christos Zachopoulos, a close associate of the prime
minister himself, is potentially the most devastating scandal of all for the
conservative party in Greece and one that touches the very core of the
contemporary Greek political system.
The story unfolds when just a few days before Christmas, Mr
Zachopoulos attempted to take his own life by jumping from the fourth floor
window of his apartment complex. From the very start, the government sought to
portray the incident as a mere sex scandal because of Mr Zachopoulos’
extramarital affair with a female associate of his who threatened to expose him
for failing to secure her a permanent job in the ministry. A DVD containing
explicit sexual scenes and taped by the woman without Mr Zachopopoulos’
knowledge, and which the woman threatened to go public with, was allegedly what
drove the general secretary to attempt suicide.
Photos of the two in very compromising positions were
printed a couple of weeks following the general secretary’s suicide attempt on
the pages of the Sunday newspaper Proto
Thema. The woman behind the extortion plan, and now behind prison bars
waiting for a trial, cried that the newspaper photos had been illegally copied
from the DVD, claiming that she never left a copy of it with one of newspaper’s
owners with whom she had met to discuss the case of Mr Zachopoulos.
The government’s interpretation of the suicide attempt as
nothing more than a sex scandal was rejected altogether from every aspect of
Greek society. The public correctly sensed that a political scandal of grand
proportions lay behind the case, details of which were in all likelihood
recorded on the DVD and which extended probably all the way to the top levels of
the government. Reports that the general secretary was single-handedly
responsible for managing and allocating billions of euros added extra weight to
the conjectures that a massive political scandal was brewing. For as everyone
in Greece knows, where there are public funds and services provided,
“kickbacks” naturally follow, as that’s what makes the system run.
The public’s suspicion that this is not a sex scandal
(anyway, no one in Greece believes that a man would seek to take his own life
because of fear for or shame of being exposed for having an extramarital sexual
relationship) is quite natural for a political culture fully immersed in
corrupt practices. As one survey conducted a few years ago revealed, over 90
percent of the people interviewed admitted to having given kickbacks for
services attained in the public and private sector. To be sure, the scenario of
a massive political scandal began to look ever more convincing when the press
leaked that the director of the prime minister’s office had been handed, in the
lobby of a major hotel in Athens, a copy of the celebrated DVD. Unable to do
otherwise, the government did not deny the report, but refused to release the
identity of the person who had delivered the DVD, citing media confidentiality
rights; however, in doing so, the government was making even more dark its
credibility image and was in fact showing deep ineptitude in handling political
crises.
The secrecy with which the conservative government sought to
handle the case of the “delivery of the DVD” baffled even its own ministers and
deputies. A number of them began publicly expressing their frustration at the
government, while a few of them went so far as to hint that some within the
prime minister’s close power circle were after a cover up.
To add insult to the injury, the government was caught with
its pants down when new developments surfaced revealing that the person who
delivered infamous DVD to the government is seemingly none other than the
co-owner of the Sunday newspaper Proto
Thema -- the newspaper that stooped so low as to print sex photos of the
general secretary and his female associate. Furthermore, the co-owner of the
newspaper also happens, interesting enough, to be under investigation by the
Financial Crime Squad for possible money laundering as an unaccounted for 5.5
million euros had been recently deposited in his personal bank account and
reported by the bank to the proper government authorities.
With public outrage now reaching its peak, the prime
minister was forced to address the Greek parliament and did so on Friday,
January 18 -- on a day that may be remembered as the day when Greek politics
was finally converted into pure, humdrum theatrics. “This government does not
extort and will not be extorted,” announced the prime minister, cockily, in an
effort to calm down the attacks of the opposition.
Does it take a rocket scientist to put everything together?
While the prime mister cries out about the moral strength and the moral virtues
of his government, every citizen in Greece understands that an exchange has
taken place between the given newspaper co-owner in possession of the DVD and
the upright conservative government of Mr Karamanlis. The deal is simple: the
newspaper's co-owner would not go public with the full content of the DVD
(which obviously has much more on it than just juicy sex acts) if the
government got the Financial Crimes Squad off his back.
As if this were not enough to add proof to the popular
saying “where there is smoke there is fire,” a further development comes along
which reveals even further the profuse nature of the corruption web engulfing
contemporary Greek society and culture. The business partner of the journalist
suspected of having delivered the DVD to the government for an exchange over his
unaccountable 5.5 million euros deposit, the second major co-owner of the same
newspaper, and a well known and well connected journalist himself, goes on the
air to announce that he had been approached by a Greek member of the
parliament, on behalf of the man in charge of the Financial Crimes Squad, to go
easy with the story of the suicide attempt of the former general secretary of
the Ministry of Culture and that, in exchange, the government would cut his
newspaper business partner some slack over the 5.5 million euros bank deposit.
The meeting between the second newspaper co-owner and the
Greek member of the parliament has now been verified and the latter is now
under investigation as is the head of the Financial Crimes Squad.
Why did the general secretary of the Ministry of Culture
attempt to kill himself? Why did the government refuse to look into the
incident as a potential extortion case? Why did the sleazy newspaper co-owner
print sex photos on the pages of his newspaper and then deliver the DVD to the
government? Why did the government refuse to release the identity of the
journalist who delivered the DVD? Where did the 5.5 million euros come from?
Where have they now gone as they were recently withdrawn? What is the actual
role of the head of the Financial Crimes Squad, another close associate of the
prime minister, in this ugly political scandal? How really aware was the prime
minister of the dealings going on between the government and segments of the
mass media?
Unfortunately, there is no one in Greece who believes that
this case will ever see the light of truth and feel the hand of justice. It
will end up like all other scandals -- under the rug. For this is the natural
outcome in a ruthless capitalist political culture where government and vested
economic interests have long entered into a marriage of convenience -- at the
expense of the common good.
Chronis
Polychroniou is a professor and head of Academic Affairs at Mediterranean University
College, University of Teesside (UK) in Athens, Greece.
Copyright © 1998-2007 Online Journal
Email Online Journal Editor