Putin’s censored press conference: The transcript you weren’t supposed to see
By Mike Whitney
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Jun 12, 2007, 01:14
Last Tuesday, Russian President Vladimir Putin gave an
hour and a half-long press conference that was attended by many members of the
world media. The contents of that meeting -- in which Putin answered all
questions concerning nuclear proliferation, human rights, Kosovo, democracy and
the present confrontation with the United States over missile defense in Europe
-- have been completely censored by the press. Apart from one brief excerpt
that appeared in a Washington Post editorial, (and which was used to criticize
Putin) the press conference has been scrubbed from the public record. It never
happened. (Read the entire press conference archived here.)
Putin’s performance was a tour de force. He fielded all of
the questions however misleading or insulting. He was candid and statesmanlike
and demonstrated a good understanding of all the main issues.
The meeting gave Putin a chance to give his side of the
story in the growing debate over missile defense in Eastern Europe. He offered
a brief account of the deteriorating state of US-Russian relations since the
end of the Cold War, and particularly from 9-11 to present. Since September 11,
the Bush administration has carried out an aggressive strategy to surround
Russia with military bases, install missiles on its borders, topple allied
regimes in Central Asia, and incite political upheaval in Moscow through
US-backed “pro-democracy” groups. These openly hostile actions have convinced
many Russian hardliners that the administration is going forward with the
neocon plan for “regime change” in Moscow and fragmentation of the Russian
Federation. Putin’s testimony suggests that the hardliners are probably right.
The Bush administration’s belligerent foreign policy has
backed the Kremlin into a corner and forced Putin to take retaliatory measures.
He has no other choice.
If we want to understand why relations between Russia are
quickly reaching the boiling point; we only need to review the main
developments since the end of the Cold War. Political analyst Pat Buchanan
gives a good rundown of these in his article “Doesn’t Putin Have a
Point?.”
Buchanan says, “Though the Red Army had picked up and gone
home from Eastern Europe voluntarily, and Moscow felt it had an understanding
we would not move NATO eastward, we exploited our moment. Not only did we bring
Poland into NATO, we brought in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, and virtually
the whole Warsaw Pact, planting NATO right on Mother Russia's front porch. Now,
there is a scheme afoot to bring in Ukraine and Georgia in the Caucasus, the
birthplace of Stalin.
Second, America backed a pipeline to deliver Caspian Sea oil
from Azerbaijan through Georgia to Turkey, to bypass Russia.
Third, though Putin gave us a green light to use bases in
the old Soviet republics for the liberation of Afghanistan, we now seem
hell-bent on making those bases in Central Asia permanent.
Fourth, though Bush sold missile defense as directed at
rogue states like North Korea, we now learn we are going to put anti-missile
systems into Eastern Europe. And against whom are they directed?
Fifth, through the National Endowment for Democracy, its GOP
and Democratic auxiliaries, and tax-exempt think tanks, foundations, and
"human rights" institutes such as Freedom House, headed by ex-CIA
director James Woolsey, we have been fomenting regime change in Eastern Europe,
the former Soviet republics, and Russia herself.
U.S.-backed revolutions have succeeded in Serbia, Ukraine,
and Georgia, but failed in Belarus. Moscow has now legislated restrictions on
the foreign agencies that it sees, not without justification, as subversive of
pro-Moscow regimes.
Sixth, America conducted 78 days of bombing of Serbia for
the crime of fighting to hold on to her rebellious province, Kosovo, and for
refusing to grant NATO marching rights through her territory to take over that
province. Mother Russia has always had a maternal interest in the Orthodox
states of the Balkans.
These are Putin's grievances. Does he not have a small
point?”
Yes -- as Buchanan opines -- Putin does have a point, which
is why his press conference was suppressed. The media would rather demonize
Putin, than allow him to make his case to the public. (The same is true of
other world leaders who choose to use their vast resources to improve the lives
of their own citizens rather that hand them over to the transnational oil
giants, such as Mahmud Ahmadinejad and Hugo Chavez) Even so, NATO has not yet
endorsed the neocon missile defense plan and, according to recent surveys,
public opinion in Poland and the Czech Republic is overwhelmingly against it.
Unsurprisingly, the Bush administration is going ahead
regardless of the controversy.
Putin cannot allow the United States to deploy its missile
defense system in Eastern Europe. The system poses a direct threat to Russia’s
national security. If Putin planned to deploy a similar system in Cuba or
Mexico, the Bush administration would immediately invoke the Monroe Doctrine
and threaten to remove it by force. No one doubts this. And no one should doubt
that Putin is equally determined to protect his own country’s interests in the
same way. We can expect that Russia will now aim its missiles at European
targets and rework its foreign policy in a way that compels the US to abandon
its current plans.
The media have tried to minimize the dangers of the proposed
system. The Washington Post even characterized it as “a small missile defense
system” which has set off “waves of paranoia about domestic and foreign
opponents.”
Nonsense. Nothing could be further from the truth.
As Putin said at the press conference, “Since if this
missile system is put in place, it will work automatically with the entire
nuclear capability of the United States. It will be an integral part of the
U.S. nuclear capability.
“For the first time in history -- and I want to emphasize
this -- there are elements of the US nuclear capability on the European
continent. It simply changes the whole configuration of international security
. . . Of course, we have to respond to that.”
Putin is right. The “so-called” defense system is actually
an expansion (and integration) of America’s existing nuclear weapons system
which will now function as one unit. The dangers of this should be obvious.
The Bush administration is maneuvering in a way that will
allow it to achieve what nuclear weapons specialist, Francis A. Boyle, calls
the “longstanding US policy of nuclear first-strike against Russia.”
In Boyle’s article “US Missiles in Europe: Beyond Deterrence
to First Strike Threat” he states, “By means of a US first strike about 99%+ of
Russian nuclear forces would be taken out. Namely, the United States Government
believes that with the deployment of a facially successful first strike
capability, they can move beyond deterrence and into "compellence." .
. . This has been analyzed ad nauseam in the professional literature. But
especially by one of Harvard's premier warmongers in chief, Thomas Schelling --
winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics granted by the Bank of Sweden -- who
developed the term "compellence" and distinguished it from
"deterrence." . . . The USG is breaking out of a
"deterrence" posture and moving into a "compellence"
posture. (Global
Research 6-6-07)
That’s right. The real
goal is to force Moscow to conform to Washington’s “diktats” or face the
prospect of “first-strike” annihilation. That’s why Putin has expressed growing
concern over the administration’s dropping out of the ABM Treaty and the development
of a new generation of low yield, bunker-busting nuclear weapons. The “hawks”
who surround Bush have abandoned the “deterrence” policy of the past, and now
believe that a nuclear war can be “won” by the United States. This is madness
and it needs to be taken seriously.
The Bush administration sees itself as a main player in
Central Asia and the Middle East -- controlling vital resources and pipeline
corridors throughout the region. That means Russia’s influence will have to be
diminished. Boris Yeltsin was the perfect leader for the neoconservative master
plan (which is why the right-wingers praised him when he died) Russia
disintegrated under Yeltsin. He oversaw the dismantling of the state, the
plundering of its resources and state-owned assets, and the restructuring of
its economy according to the tenets of neoliberalism.
No wonder the neocons loved him.
Under Putin, Russia has regained its economic footing, its
regional influence and its international prestige. The economy is booming, the
ruble has stabilized, the standard of living has risen, and Moscow has
strengthened alliances with its neighbors. This newfound Russian prosperity
poses a real challenge to Bush’s plans.
Two actions in particular have changed the Russian-US
relationship from tepid to openly hostile. The first was when Putin announced
that Russia’s four largest oil fields would not be open to foreign development.
(Russia has been consolidating its oil wealth under state-run Gazprom) And,
second, when the Russian Treasury began to convert Russia’s dollar reserves
into gold and rubles. Both of these are regarded as high-crimes by US corporate
chieftains and Western elites. Their response was swift.
John Edwards and Jack Kemp were appointed to lead a Council
on Foreign Relations (CFR) task force which concocted the basic pretext for an
all-out assault on the Putin. This is where the idea that Putin is “rolling
back democracy” began; it’s a feeble excuse for political antagonism. In their
article “Russia’s Wrong Direction,” Edwards and Kemp state that a “strategic
partnership” with Russia is no longer possible. They note that the government
has become increasingly “authoritarian” and that the society is growing less
“open and pluralistic.” Blah, blah, blah. No one in Washington really cares
about democracy. (Just look at our “good friends” in Saudi Arabia, Azerbaijan,
Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan) What they’re afraid of is Putin ditching the dollar
and controlling his own oil. That’s what counts. Bush also wants Putin to
support sanctions against Iran and rubber stamp a Security Council resolution
to separate Kosovo form Serbia. (Since when does the UN have the right to
redraw national borders? Was the creation of Israel such a stunning success
that the Security Council wants to try its luck again?)
Putin does not accept the “unipolar” world model. As he said
in Munich last February, the unipolar world refers to “a world in which there
is one master, one sovereign -- one centre of authority, one centre of force,
one centre of decision-making. At the end of the day this is pernicious not
only for all those within this system, but also for the sovereign because it
destroys itself from within. . . . What is even more important is that the
model itself is flawed because at its basis there is and can be no moral
foundations for modern civilization.”
He added, “Unilateral and frequently illegitimate actions
have not resolved any problems. Moreover, they have caused new human tragedies
and created new centers of tension. Judge for yourselves -- wars as well as
local and regional conflicts have not diminished. More are dying than before.
Significantly more, significantly more!
“Today we are witnessing an almost uncontained hyper use of
force – military force – in international relations, force that is plunging the
world into an abyss of permanent conflicts.
“We are seeing a greater and greater disdain for the basic
principles of international law. And independent legal norms are, as a matter
of fact, coming increasingly closer to one state’s legal system. One state and,
of course, first and foremost the United States, has overstepped its national
borders in every way. This is visible in the economic, political, cultural and
educational policies it imposes on other nations. Well, who likes this? Who is
happy about this?”
In international relations we increasingly see the desire to
resolve a given question according to so-called issues of political expediency,
based on the current political climate. And, of course, this is extremely
dangerous. It results in the fact that no one feels safe. I want to emphasise
this -- no one feels safe! Because no one can feel that international law is
like a stone wall that will protect them. Of course, such a policy stimulates
an arms race.
I am convinced that we have reached that decisive moment
when we must seriously think about the architecture of global security.”
How can anyone dispute Putin’s analysis?
“Unilateral and illegitimate military actions,” the
“uncontained hyper-use of force,” the “disdain for the basic principles of
international law,” and most importantly, “no one feels safe!”
These are the irrefutable facts. Putin has simply summarized
the Bush Doctrine better than anyone else.
The Bush administration has increased its frontline American
bases to 5,000 men on Russia’s perimeter. Is this yjr conduct of a “trustworthy
ally?”
Also, NATO has deployed forces on Russia’s borders even
while Putin has continued to fulfill his treaty obligations and move troops and
military equipment hundreds of miles away.
As Putin said last Tuesday, “We have removed all of our
heavy weapons from the European part of Russia and put them behind the Urals”
and “reduced our Armed Forces by 300,000. We have taken several other steps
required by the Adapted Conventional Armed Forces Treaty in Europe (ACAF). But
what have we seen in response? Eastern Europe is receiving new weapons, two new
military bases are being set up in Romania and in Bulgaria, and there are two
new missile launch areas -- a radar in Czech republic and missile systems in
Poland. And we are asking ourselves the question: what is going on? Russia is
disarming unilaterally. But if we disarm unilaterally then we would like to see
our partners be willing to do the same thing in Europe. On the contrary, Europe
is being pumped full of new weapons systems. And of course we cannot help but
be concerned.”
(This is why Putin’s comments did not appear in the Western
media! They would have been too damaging to the Bush administration and its
expansionist plans)
Who destroyed the ABM Treaty?
Putin said, “We did not initiate the withdrawal from the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. But what response did we give when we discussed
this issue with our American partners? We said that we do not have the
resources and desire to establish such a system. But as professionals we both
understand that a missile defense system for one side and no such a system for
the other creates an illusion of security and increases the possibility of a
nuclear conflict. It is destroying the strategic equilibrium in the world. In
order to restore that balance without setting up a missile defense system we
will have to create a system to overcome missile defense, which is what we are
doing now.”
Putin: “an arms race is unfolding. Was it we who withdrew
from the ABM Treaty? We must react to what our partners do. We already told
them two years ago, “don’t do this, you don’t need to do this. What are you
doing? You are destroying the system of international security. You must
understand that you are forcing us to take retaliatory steps.” . . . we warned
them. No, they did not listen to us. Then we heard about them developing
low-yield nuclear weapons and they are continuing to develop these weapons.” We
told them that “it would be better to look for other ways to fight terrorism
than create low-yield nuclear weapons and lower the threshold for using nuclear
weapons, and thereby put humankind on the brink of nuclear catastrophe. But
they don’t listen to us. They are not looking for compromise. Their entire point
of view can be summed-up in one sentence: ‘Whoever is not with us is against
us.’”
Putin asks, “So what should we do?” The present predicament
has brought us to “the brink of disaster.”
Putin: “Some people have the illusion that you can do
everything just as you want, regardless of the interests of other people. Of
course it is for precisely this reason that the international situation gets
worse and eventually results in an arms race as you pointed out. But we are not
the instigators. We do not want it. Why would we want to divert resources to
this? And we are not jeopardizing our relations with anyone. But we must
respond.
Name even one step that we have taken or one action of ours
designed to worsen the situation. There are none. We are not interested in
that. We are interested in having a good atmosphere, environment and energy
dialogue around Russia.”
So, what should Putin do? And how else can he meet his
responsibilities to the Russian people without taking defensive “retaliatory”
action to Bush’s act of war. By expanding its nuclear capability to Europe, all
of Russia is in imminent danger, and so, Putin must decide “precisely which
means will be used to destroy the installations that our experts believe
represent a potential threat for the Russian Federation.” (Note that Putin
never threatens to aim his missiles at European cities as was reported in the
Western media.)
Putin has made great strides in improving life for the
Russian people. That is why his public approval rating is soaring at 75
percent. The Russian economy has been growing by 7 percent a year. He’s lowered
the number of people living beneath the poverty line by more than half and will
bring it down to European levels by 2010. Real incomes are growing by an
astonishing 12 percent per year. As Putin says, “Combating poverty is one of
our top priorities and we still have to do a lot to improve our pension system,
too, because the correlation between pensions and the average wage is still
lower here than in Europe.”
If only that was true in America!
Russia now has the ninth largest economy in the world and
has amassed enormous gold and currency reserves -- the third largest in the
world. It is also one of the leading players in international energy policy
with a daily oil output which now exceeds Saudi Arabia. It is also the largest
producer of natural gas in the world. Russia will only get stronger as we get
deeper into the century and energy resources become scarcer.
Putin strongly objects to the idea that he is not committed
to human rights or is “rolling back democracy.” He points out how
truncheon-wielding police in Europe routinely use tear gas, electric-shock
devices and water cannons to disperse demonstrators. Is that how the West
honors human rights and civil liberties?
As for the Bush administration -- Putin produced a copy of
Amnesty International’s yearly report condemning the United States conduct in
the war on terror. “I have a copy of Amnesty International’s report here, which
includes a section on the United States,” he said. “The organization has
concluded that the United States is now the principle violator of human rights
and freedoms worldwide.”
He added, “We have a proverb in Russian, ‘Don’t blame the
mirror if your face is crooked.’”
Putin is fiercely nationalistic. He has helped to restore
Russia’s self-confidence and rebuild the economy. He’s demonstrated a
willingness to compromise with the Bush administration on every substantive
issue, but he has been repeatedly rebuffed. The last thing he wants is a nuclear
standoff with the United States. But he will do what he must to defend his
people from the threat of foreign attack. The deployment of the missile defense
system will require that Russia develop its own new weapons systems and change
its thinking about trusting the United States. Friendship is not possible in
the present climate.
As for “democracy”; Putin said it best himself:
“Am I a ‘pure democrat’? (laughs) Of course I am,
absolutely. The problem is that I’m all alone -- the only one of my kind in the
whole wide world. Just look at what’s happening in North America, it’s simply
awful -- torture, homeless people, Guantanamo, people detained without trial
and investigation. Just look at what’s happening in Europe -- harsh treatment
of demonstrators, rubber bullets and tear gas used first in one capital then in
another, demonstrators killed on the streets. . . . . I have no one to talk to
since Mahatma Gandhi died.”
Well said, Vladimir.
Mike Whitney lives in Washington state. He can be reached at: fergiewhitney@msn.com.
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