The wrangling a treaty to streamline European Union processes and increase its robustness is ironic, don’t you think? While browsing the website of an English-speaking newspaper based in a capital city I came across an open letter to the president of the Czech Republic, stating ‘you, President Klaus, are our only hope.’ Unbelievably, here in Europe we’re drifting ever further into Star Wars territory.

Oh what the hell, none of it works out in the end anyhow . . . hand that man a light-sabre, drape a black cloak over Ms. Merkel’s shoulders and assign Sarkozy, Cowen, Berlusconi et. al. to the Imperial Guard. The Republic is upon us. There isn’t a small rebel alliance obstructing their path to a fully operational command centre, only a rogue president, a court ruling and several million commoners scrabbling to use Facebook and whatever else is at their disposal.

Has the ordinary European citizen read the treaty? Well, I suppose that depends on one’s outlook, certainly not their intelligence or interest in the issue. Throughout, academics from legal institutes or university faculties, solicitors, representatives from political institutions, organisations and bodies submitted letters to the editor on technicalities and specific clauses. For the most part people in non-political professions debated and raised points on more general matters, such as whether being asked to vote on the constitution a second time was democratic and what exactly the entire affair really meant. This breakdown of interest is unsurprising, except for the fact that when it came to public debate between members of the politico the latter took precedence. At the beginning of the summer, just before parliamentary recess, with memories of the first referendum vote looming like a front of cumulonimbus clouds, rational and informed public debate was called for. Some may have hoped, but anyone watching current affairs television programmes in mid-June must have known something else was on the horizon. By mid-September radio presenters paid more than double Barack Obama’s salary were chairing on-air debates that descended woefully into the realm of personal insults. The most prominent No campaigner was slurred at for having an English accent, which from the mouth of a person paid to contribute toward the progress of a relatively new republic is pretty ugly. Worse still, it was an opinion that resonated across the country.

In this context, whether the treaty needed to be read is unquestionable. Unfortunately, the length and complexity were not reduced from the first referendum. Concise information, woefully inadequate during the first referendum and a primary factor for a prevailing No vote, was more readily available. Trusting such information became an issue. With each side accusing the other of misinformation checking who printed what and who they might be connected to was imperative.

During the first referendum, the most clear-cut statement I read was on the front of a Sinn Fein flyer, pushed through my letterbox by one of six persons standing in a group on the street outside. ‘Ireland is a small country on the fringes of Western Europe.’ The group dissipated in different directions, leaving me to contemplate this factual downsize of what my country actually is.

Had more people thought about this statement and Ireland’s real relationship with central Europe the outcome might have been different. But the electorate were given in more straightforward economic terms. Vote Yes to give US investors confidence and satisfy European counterparts. Vote No for a very uncertain future. Security was used as a bargaining chip, which again is quite ironic considering dependence on US investors is part of the economic problem in the first instance -- Dell and its recent closure being the most obvious example. Over decades, trucks with the European Commission flag on their sides arrived in Ireland to deliver coin to some central depot in Dublin. Coupled with a phone call from Bill Clinton, a good education system and hard work Ireland rose to dizzying economic heights, forgoing all its characteristics. Now, it’s off the rollercoaster looking at itself closely in the mirror, contemplating how so much could have happened and so little changed. Voting Yes for Lisbon was akin to someone with a hangover sipping a bloody Mary at 11 o’ clock the morning after. Nothing mattered so long as the bad feeling went away.

But enough of her and her problems. There is an entire continent to deal with. The hive in Brussels is contingently preparing itself for a bad winter. Amid a diplomatic and bureaucratic frenzy one man in high office has the power to ruin their ambitions. Without even the support of the country’s parliament ways around this obstacle have been investigated, including the potential of impeachment.

However fortunate, I have been in the two places where the Lisbon glare shines brightest. Not a member of the Department of Foreign Affairs or Irish military, or a spouse of either, I wasn’t entitled to a vote. Which was fine; having dealt with Irish government departments, I’d put more money on President Klaus waving a European Union flag from a window of his presidential office than a ballot paper or electronic vote arriving safely in Dublin. In fact, if I had a vote I’d have bought a carrier pigeon, stuck the paper in its mouth and sent it northwest on its way. Who knows, owing to wide array of expenditures public figures are claiming expenses from the public purse I may have got a return on the price of the pigeon.

Whereas the attention wasn’t wholly undesirable in Ireland, one gets the sense the Czech public would rather not be at the heart of a European issue, which is understandable. The public at large are deeply dubious about the legitimacy and competency of their political masters. Plus their history with the biggest European political players does not offer any confidence. Elections scheduled to take place last month were cancelled until spring 2010 -- why is a bottomless question. Now, all that stands in the way of every Eurocrats fantasy is a Czech Constitutional Court decision and the seemingly obstreperous ways of the country’s figurehead. For many, President Klaus, is, in fact, their only hope.

On days like October 4, 2009 -- days that turn the screw of history -- it is difficult to see wood from trees. In such situations when judgment can be so easily clouded I take comfort in pondering what high-school history books may read like in two generations time. For October 4, 2009, I have a feeling something like ‘Ireland’s economic situations had dramatically worsened by the time of the second Lisbon referendum . . . ’ But that is not the point. History is important here. So close to one of the greatest catastrophes in world history, European entities are realigning themselves with old allies and enemies. It is not the kind of break from the past that the punters of Europe are looking for. Unfortunately, Ireland’s, and subsequently Poland’s, ratification means those voices no longer count for much.