A few weeks ago one of the main architects of the Vietnam
War, Robert S. McNamara, died at 93. McNamara, as secretary of defense, was ultimately
responsible for the killing of millions of Southeast Asians along with over
58,000 U.S. soldiers during that war. He spent most of his later years
attempting to make amends for the war crimes that ended the lives of so many,
and seemed a tortured man during those years.
In all of the commentary about his death and “legacy,” none
caught my eye as much as the segment on July 7 that aired on the liberal-left
news program “Democracy Now!”
In the segment “Vietnam War Architect Robert McNamara Dies at
93: A Look at His Legacy with Howard Zinn, Marilyn Young & Jonathan
Schell,” Howard Zinn, the famous left historian comments on what he calls
McNamara’s “moral intelligence.”
“Well, assessing the legacy . . . It seems to me one things
[sic] which we should be thinking about, is that McNamara represented all of
those superficial qualities of brightness and intelligence and education that
are so revered in our culture. This whole idea that you judge young kids today
on the basis of what their test scores are, how smart they are, how much
information they can digest, how much they can give back to you and remember.
That’s what McNamara was good at. He was bright and he was smart, but he had no
moral intelligence. What strikes me as one of the many things we can learn from
this McNamara experience is that we’ve got to stop revering these superficial
qualities of brightness and smartness, and bring up a generation which thinks
in moral terms, which has moral intelligence, and which asks questions not, “Do
we win or do we lose?” Asks questions, “Is this right? Is it wrong?” And
McNamara never asked that question.”
I don’t know whether McNamara asked himself whether or not
the policies he implemented during the Vietnam War were right or wrong. His
motives seem to have been fomented more from a Machiavellian perspective and
Cold War mentality than from any sense of right or wrong . . . or what has been
called by the political theorist Hannah Arendt “the banality of evil,” which is
neither moral nor immoral, but rather amoral. From reading his words, and
seeing him in interviews and on screen, it seems that he may have moved later
in his life toward a serious consideration of those questions and of the moral
implications of his policies while a member of both the Kennedy and Johnson
administrations.
Neither of those administrations were far right wing in
terms of all their policies. The mass media and many commentators and writers
consider them both liberal, and, in the final analysis, they both did about as
much damage in Southeast Asia as Richard Nixon who was clearly a member of the
right wing of the Republican Party.
So, does either the right or left, or liberals and moderates
for that matter, have any lock on thinking and acting in moral terms? Does any
one persuasion or political belief have the only answers to the moral
questions? Certainly, since the resurgence of the religious right in the early
1980s that movement became adept at feigning a sense of moral superiority (read
hypocrisy) over the rest of humanity and pointing fingers at so-called moral
transgressors.
In the 1970s, Noam Chomsky, considered to be a preeminent
scholar on left matters, and a linguist by training, seemed to downplay the
role of the Khmer Rouge in the slaughter that lead to the genocide of about 2
million Cambodians following the end of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia. In
the article “Distortions at Fourth Hand” (1977), Chomsky, along with Edward S.
Herman, accuses the media of creating a “seriously distorted version of the
evidence available, emphasizing Khmer Rouge atrocities and downplaying or
ignoring the crucial U.S. role, direct and indirect, in the torment that
Cambodia has suffered.”
There is no doubt whatsoever that the U.S. did play an
instrumental role in setting the stage for the Khmer Rouge to spill the blood
of nearly 2 million of their countrymen. However, what is lacking in Chomsky
and Herman’s analysis is the fact that it was the Khmer Rouge that actually
carried out this genocide with no assistance from the U.S. Downplaying the
primary actor’s role in a genocide is like saying that the Treaty of Versailles
that ended World War I was solely responsible for the actions of Adolph Hitler
during the Holocaust. That kind of logic from such eminent thinkers as Chomsky
and Herman defies common wisdom!
Abbie Hoffman was one of the most popular leaders of the
counterculture movement of the 1960s. He was also one of my heroes and one of
the greatest activists of the 60s, 70s, and 80s. Yet, his major biographer,
Jonah Raskin, in For the Hell of It: The Life and Times of Abbie Hoffman
(1996), documents how Hoffman was abusive to each of the three women who formed
the most serious relationships of his life. Many feminists justifiably damned
males within the antiwar movement during the 60s and 70s for their treatment of
women, and especially those women with whom they were close and with whom they
interacted with as activists. A person cannot be for the right cause, I have
found, and act in a diametrically opposite manner in his or her personal life. The
personal is absolutely the political as the saying that emerged from the 1960s
goes!
The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., was another of my
heroes. No one can doubt the power of his actions and accomplishments in the
civil rights and antiwar movements of the 50s and 60s. However, his personal
life was at extreme odds with his quest for civil rights and the end of the
Vietnam War that he sought. This is not to diminish any of his Herculean
accomplishments or the ultimate sacrifice that he paid for his work.
During the past national election cycle in the U.S., the
issue of the role of the radical Vietnam-era group the Weathermen came under
scrutiny. The Weather Underground was an offshoot of the Students for a
Democratic Society, the latter of which had lofty goals that reflected the best
traditions of participatory democracy in the U.S. However, the Weather
Underground distorted those principles and moved into the cul-de-sac of
violence that resulted in the eye for an eye mentality that is so much a part
of contemporary culture in the U.S.
The attempt to create saints out of those on the left
distorts the reality of life and the fact that the personal and the political
sometimes do not mesh seamlessly in an activist’s life. President John F.
Kennedy was regarded as an intellectual and liberal, yet his personal life
spoke of great contradictions. It may be that the role of leadership leads to a
kind of personality that distorts the moral compass of the individual, or
perhaps those personality traits are present before becoming a leader. The
issue of personal control of others that emanates from holding power also
impacts a person’s personality and moral bearings in many ways. It may also be
that the fact that we are imperfect as human beings enters into the equation of
which actions are right and which ones are wrong in ways that are not always
easily discerned.
It would be a mistake, however, to conflate a view of right
and wrong with Puritanism as it evolved in colonial America and its later
manifestation in the Christian right. Such black and white morality exists
somewhere beyond the grasp of most people.
Left-based activism is an effective means of addressing the
needs of people in a social and political system that panders to the right and
the dictates of a capitalist economic system that values greed and empire above
all other values and goals. But, a moral sense is in the possession of no
particular group or individual regardless of political persuasion. To think
that ability to tell right from wrong, and to act on that knowledge, is in the
sole possession of a single group or individual is false thinking of the
highest order!
Howard Lisnoff is a freelance writer. He can be
reached through his website howielisnoff.com.