On May 1, government prosecutors dropped their espionage prosecution of former American
Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) employees Steve Rosen and Keith
Weissman.
Many expected a criminal trial to yield unprecedented
accountability -- AIPAC’s opaque internal operations and unquenchable thirst
for classified government information would finally be laid bare. Others saw
the unprecedented application of the 1917 Espionage Act against non-government
employees as a threat to freedom of speech.
Presiding Judge T.S. Ellis’ pretrial rulings made it nearly
impossible for government prosecutors to prevail -- requiring them to reveal
sensitive government information in court. Curiously, Ellis even wanted
prosecutors to prove the defendants’ states
of mind and ethereal intentions to harm the US rather than strict statutory
culpability under the 1917 Espionage Act. Normally, Americans could now be
either thrilled, outraged, or just blissfully unaware that the case has finally
ended.
Except that it hasn’t ended.
Those concerned with rule of law were provided mixed relief
but subtle hints of future maneuvers. In their formal motion
(PDF) that Judge T.S. Ellis drop the case government prosecutors fired a
Parthian shot by highlighting the “requirement of meeting an unexpectedly
higher evidentiary threshold in order to prevail at trial.”
The New York
Times recorded Joseph Persichini Jr. -- the top official at the F.B.I.’s
Washington office -- was “disappointed” while FBI agents were “infuriated.” But
the Times also hinted at politicization, reporting the decision chain extended
from career attorneys all the way up to Attorney General Eric Holder -- who approved
dropping the case. Dana J. Boente, Obama’s new acting U.S. attorney for the
Eastern District of Virginia was omnipresent at negotiations. Boente’s formal
statement seemed to exude remorse “the inevitable disclosure of classified
information that would occur at any trial in this matter, we have asked the
court to dismiss the indictment.”
The AIPAC investigation did yield Colonel Lawrence
Franklin’s guilty plea for leaking classified information to Rosen and
Weissman. Franklin was sentenced to a $10,000 fine, 151 months of prison, and
three years of supervised release. Surely with Franklin ensconced in jail, few
would be again tempted to influence US policies through high stakes classified
information gambits. Justice would have been done, to some degree. But is all
the scripted remorse and regret just a ruse?
On May 19, a powerful coalition of 125 Rabbis signed a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder requesting a probe
into whether “anti-Semitism and/or anti-Israel sentiments” played any role in
the original investigation of AIPAC. Michelle Boorstein of the Washington Post
published an article titled “Was
Case Against AIPAC Lobbyists Anti-Semitic?“ It sternly noted that the case
“wasn’t a total loss for the government” because it did win Franklin’s guilty
plea. That plea is the only remaining evidence that wrongdoing occurred -- but
for the Israel lobby, history reveals even this is totally unacceptable.
Last year, shortly before George W. Bush left office,
intense lobbying finally won the posthumous
pardon of Charles Winters. Winters was convicted of violating U.S. arms
embargos for his role in the illicit shipment of aircraft to Jewish fighters in
Palestine in 1948.
A Protestant from Boston, Winters didn’t have the lifelong
ideological drive of co-conspirators Hank Greenspun and Al Schwimmer. Neither
ever served any jail time. Greenspun, a newspaper man in Nevada, won a
presidential pardon when John F. Kennedy entered office. Schwimmer simply
emigrated to Israel. Both subsequently went on to play major
roles in the Israeli arms smuggling segment of the Iran-Contra affair in
the 1980s. But the fact that only Winters ever did time for crime (18 months in
jail and a $5,000 fine) was a lingering stain that couldn’t be erased. This has
relevance for the plight of Lawrence Franklin.
AIPAC and other arms of the Israel lobby can’t now openly
lobby President Barak Obama for a Franklin pardon so soon after his
administration graciously dropped the case. But AIPAC also can’t wait four to
eight years for a pardon or even function effectively while Lawrence Franklin
languishes in prison for what many supporters consider heroic behavior.
The Bureau of Prisons -- which assigned Franklin inmate
number 70425-083 -- indicates he is still not
yet in custody, Fortunately for Franklin he may never set foot into his
assigned minimum security prison in Cumberland, Maryland. Attorney General Eric
Holder holds the key to his future.
The Department of Justice has recently admitted
errors and asked a federal court to free two Alaskans and review their
convictions in connection with the Senator Ted Stevens corruption probe.
Former Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder’s earlier and seemingly inexplicable recommendation that President
Bill Clinton pardon tax fugitive Marc Rich once looked both tawdry and even
career threatening before he became attorney general in the Obama
administration Given recent moves to free other Bush era convictions, the
incident looks highly relevant and so is the process to secretly erase
Franklin’s guilty plea and sentence in court.
On May 14, US
attorneys quietly filed a sealed motion (PDF) “as to Lawrence Anthony
Franklin” in the Eastern District of Virginia. Judge Ellis then granted a
hearing for June 12 at 9AM. On June 2, they filed a sealed memorandum about
Franklin. Though sealed motions are of course secret, it is likely that under
the watchful eye of Eric Holder the DOJ’s political appointees are arranging
yet another special favor for the Israel lobby in order to steer around the
Obama pardon dilemma.
As is now customary, any potential future downsides and
details of such a sealed deal are not allowed to be publicly debated. Just as
quiet clemency for Schwimmer and Greenspun paved the way for weapons smuggling
to Iran, this quiet effort will undoubtedly yield some future crisis.
If Eric Holder springs Franklin he will have issued a facto
license to AIPAC -- the likes of which haven’t been seen since former Attorney
General Nicolas Katzenbach quashed the DOJ’s massive drive to register the entire lobby as Israeli
foreign agents. AIPAC can then not only traffic in as much classified US
national defense information as it can carry, but execute larger and more
audacious covert activities at US taxpayer expense under the immunizing banner
of Israel.
In the broadest sense the AIPAC espionage scandal hasn’t
ended -- it may be only just beginning.
Copyright © 2009 IRmep
Grant
F. Smith is director of the Washington, DC-based Institute for Research: Middle
Eastern Policy and author of the book “Foreign Agents: The American Israel
Foreign Affairs Committee from the 1963 Fulbright Hearings to the 2005
Espionage Scandal.”