Kosovo’s declaration of independence 17 February brings the
number of statelets born out of the former Yugoslavia, population 23 million,
to seven -- Slovenia, Croatia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzigovina,
Serbia, and now Kosovo, which boasts an impressive 2 million.
Statistics are trotted out to justify independence from
Serbia. Nintey percent of residents are Albanian, it is said, though this
excludes 250,000 Serbs who fled when NATO invaded. Some 120,000 plucky Serbs
remained and a brave 18,000 have trickled back in recent years -- under armed
escort -- to hostile neighbourhoods to reclaim homes seized by Albanian
squatters when NATO troops occupied the province. But demographic shifts are no
reason to dismember a country.
The province was the heartland of the Serbian Kingdom in the
13th century until conquered by the Ottomans in the 15th century, and only by
the end of the 19th century did it have a slight majority of ethnic Albanians
for the first time. It suffered mass population transfers of both Serbs and
Albanians over the years and finally achieved quasi-state status within the
Yugoslav Federation by the 1960s. In the 1970s, the demographic balance was
75-25 Albanian-Serbian. Milosevic owed his rise to the presidency to his
defence of Serbs in Kosovo after the death of President Josip Broz Tito in
1980, whose motto was “a weak Serbia means a strong Yugoslavia.” Kosovan
nationalists were demanding full republican status within the federation by
then, and in 1990 its parliament even declared independence (only recognised
by, surprise, Albania). This dissolving of the delicately balanced federation
would have been suicide and the movement was suppressed, as similar movements
have been in Spain, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and many, many other countries,
with nary a whisper of protest by the “international community.”
Milosevic’s attempt in the 1990s to resettle Serbian
refugees from civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia prompted the formation of the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1995, a rag-tag rebel group financed by drug,
arms and human trafficking, which made it to the US State Department’s prestigious
list of international terrorist organisations in 1998 -- Osama bin Laden made
three visits to Kosovo 1994-96, but which the West nonetheless supported in the
“liberation” of Kosovo in 1998-99. The denouement -- Milosevic being served up
to the International Criminal Court by Serbia’s current prime minister,
Vojislav Kostunica -- did nothing to reverse what was by now a clear policy by
the West to carve a new, compliant state out of the remains of Yugoslavia.
As for who threatened whom in the lead-up to the current
declaration of independence, the 10,000 casualties of the upheaval of 1998-99
included Serbs, Albanians and Roma, with no one group faring much better than
the other, and despite intensive efforts by NATO forces, no proof of mass
murder of Albanians -- the excuse used to justify the NATO bombing -- was ever
found. Eerily similar to the aftermath of the US preemptive invasion of Iraq in
search of nonexistent weapons of mass destruction. In any case, with the
invasion, it was the Serbs who ended up fleeing rather than the Albanians. The
last major outbreak of violence was in 2004 and was against the Serbs.
Kostunica argues that the Serbs should not be held to
account for Milosevic’s supposed sins, that self-rule for Kosovo within a
federation is an acceptable compromise, that creating such a statelet benefits
no one, least of all ordinary Kosovans, and merely acts as a dangerous
precedent on the world stage, but only Russia, China and a few others appear to
be listening. He vowed the nation would never accept this “gross violation of
international law” and angrily pointed the finger at the US, which was “ready
to violate the international order for its own military interests.” Even
pro-Western Serbian President Boris Tadic said, “I will never give up the fight
for our Kosovo.” Russian UN Ambassador Vitaly Churkin called for the United
Nations to annul the move, demanding an emergency meeting of the Security
Council 18 February. No resolution on Kosovo’s independence was made, with
members China, Russia and Indonesia making it clear this was a stillborn child
as far as they were concerned.
Western hypocrisy is so thick it can be cut with a knife: EU
officials issued a statement acknowledging Kosovo’s independence declaration
without explicitly endorsing it, thanks to Spain’s distaste. NATO
Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer said the alliance would respond
“swiftly and firmly against anyone who might resort to violence.” US President
George W Bush in Tanzania produced his usual inimitable sound bite: “The
Serbian people can know that they have a friend in America.” The US was
low-key, calling on all parties to “exercise the utmost restraint and to
refrain from any provocative act,” though it provocatively proceeded to
recognise the new republic, along with Britain and France.
But then, why bother to toot one’s horn? US Albanian
immigrants did that in any case, streaming into Pristina to dance in frenzied
jubilation. Beating drums, waving flags, shooting guns in the air and throwing
firecrackers, they chanted: “Independence! Independence! We are free at last!”
An outpouring of adulation for the US was evident everywhere, in sharp contrast
to the despair, anger and disbelief that gripped Serbia and its ethnic enclaves
in northern Kosovo.
Europe has been busy in the Balkans since it helped destroy
the Ottoman Empire a century ago. Most recently it welcomed Slovenia to its
fold in 2004 and promises Croatia membership next year. NATO has been flexing
its muscles, too, having swallowed up Slovenia in 2004 and promising Croatia
membership this year. The plan is to bribe Serbia into acquiescing to the loss
of Kosovo by giving it a nice, wet Euro-kiss. While Serbia is wise to NATO, it
is not clear if its wrecked economy and exhausted people will give in to the
lure of euros. In addition to the 16,000 NATO troops, the EU has parachuted in
2,000 police, judges and administrators into Kosovo, but insisted Kosovo’s
independence will be severely circumscribed. A wise move, that, considering the
KLA and Kosovo’s reputation for terrorism and all kinds of trafficking, and the
new prime minister’s deep mafia connections. In a faux show of
magnanimity, the KLA political leader and Kosovan prime minister, Hashim Thaci,
called on displaced Serbs living outside Kosovo to return, guaranteeing them
full rights. Thaci was a founding member in 1993 of the Marxist-Leninist
oriented People’s Movement of Kosovo, which advocates Pan-Albanianism; his
sister just happens to be married to Sejdija Bajrush, the top Albanian mafioso.
The fallout from this latest chapter of Balkan intrigues is
already accelerating. At least three shiny new border posts have been
burned down and three bombs exploded near Organisation of Security and
Cooperation in Europe offices in northern Kosovo. Demonstrators there demanded
that the Serbian army mobilise to keep their territories, which make up 15 per
cent of Kosovo, part of Serbia. The northern part of Kosovo already has
parallel institutional structures and does not recognise the authority of the Kosovo
government. Misha Glenny, an expert on the Balkans, warns, “Whatever the
outcome of Kosovo’s independence, everyone knows we are heading for de facto
partition. But no one is willing to admit it.” Serbian police officers have
deserted the multi-ethnic Kosovo police force and given their allegiance to
Belgrade.
Next door, Serbian separatists in the Muslim-Croat
Federation have stepped up their threats to secede from Bosnia. Macedonia,
which has the misfortune of bordering Kosovo, Albania and Serbia, and has a
substantial restive Albanian minority to boot, will wait for at least 15 EU
countries to recognise Kosovo first. Biljana Vankovska from the Institute for
Peace and Defence Studies in Skopje said, “The perspectives of the Kosovo
market are a cold comfort for Macedonia’s economy.” Serbian President Boris
Tadic says that Serbia will recall its ambassadors from countries that
recognise an independent Kosovo, which already include the US, UK, Germany and
France. Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Romania are not planning
to recognise Kosovo any time soon. Even Poland is having doubts.
Kosovo’s independence will inevitably lead to separatist
efforts by other dissatisfied territories around the world. The very day of the
declaration, presidents of two Georgian breakaway provinces -- Abhazia’s
President Sergei Begapsh and South Ossetia’s President Eduard Kokoity -- met
with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, and received a commitment for
continued support. All residents of Abkhazia and South Ossetia were granted
Russian citizenship after heavy-handed Georgian attempts to cow the
independent-minded territories in the 1990s. “We are told all the time: Kosovo
is a special case,” Putin said recently. “It is all lies. There is no special
case and everybody understands it perfectly well.” After his official meeting
with Lavrov, Bagapsh said, “Abkhazia will soon ask the Russian Federal Assembly
and the UN Security Council to recognise its independence.”
Despite the tragedy of Chechnya, such enthusiasm to team up
with Russia by Muslim border states suggests that religion is really not the
issue here at all. There are also Trans-Dniester, sandwiched between Ukraine
and Moldova, Nagorno-Karabakh, the breakaway Armenian district in Azerbaijan,
and farther afield, Taiwan, Kurdistan, Baluchistan, the Tamil Tigers, and many,
many other would-be countries and terrorist groups all of which have gained a
new lease on “independence” from this latest Balkan intrigue.
Eric
Walberg writes for Al-Ahram Weekly. You can reach him at www.geocities.com/walberg2002.