"Hating the president is almost as old as the republic
itself," Peter Berkowitz writes in The Insanity of Bush Hatred, for the Wall Street Journal
(11/14/07). Yes, Berkowitz is right, but hating the president this much is
brand new. For the first time ever, a Gallup survey recently found that more
than 50 percent of Americans "strongly disapprove" of the president.
Even Nixon had fared better during Watergate in 1973, when 48 percent of
Americans strongly disapproved.
Berkowitz satirizes the liberal cocktail crowd for whom
hatred of Bush has becomes a "mark of good moral hygiene." Bush,
however, did not reach the 50 percent disapproval mark by earning the wrath of
the intellectuals on the coasts. He betrayed the people in the heartland, the
"fly-over people," by grinding them between the twin millstones of
economic and cultural regression. Real incomes are down. And the cultural
decency crusade (which many Americans supported a few years ago) has now been
exposed as agitprop for wide-stanced Republicans.
In fact, if Berkowitz really wants to hear a critique of
Pres. Bush he should come to Texas. The libertarians and populists here,
traditionally from the right side of the spectrum, have forgotten about the
2000 election and other items on the laundry list of liberal complaints. And
here, grievances against Bush are not for the cocktail crowd: the martial law
preparations with Presidential Directive #51, which abrogate the Posse
Comitatus Act of 1878; the termination of habeas corpus (even for Americans)
with the Military Commissions Act of 2006; the widespread incarceration of
non-violent and petty offenders in a corporate, prison-industrial complex; the
outsourcing of elections to companies pushing paperless virtual voting; the
development of a mass surveillance society based upon Orwellian principles; and
unprecedented state-sponsored propaganda and fake news. Ordinary Americans do
not mind being led by elites, so long as they are civic minded, in the
tradition of noblesse oblige.
But as many Americans have now sniffed out, the present economic and political
ruling class is parasitical and predatory.
Unbelievably, Berkowitz cannot seem to let go of the 2000
election, so one point must be made about it. The outcome cannot be blamed on
Bush (or his attorneys) but rather on the Supreme Court, which exposed itself
as a naked political force. For conservative justices to side with Bush over
Gore, they had to abandon their cherished concept of states' rights (employed
for decades to prevent African-Americans from making advances). The court
basically told the Florida Supreme Court, which would have ordered a recount
and not declared a winner as Berkowitz implied, to bugger off: Bush would be
president, not Gore.
Conveniently, Berkowitz did not mention the 2004 election.
That's because the systematic and intentional voter suppression of African
Americans is well documented in the Conyers Report. The 2004 outcome is
virtually impossible to defend.
Berkowitz's greatest failing is his attempt to
psychologically profile people who hate Bush so vehemently. Do they really seek
to be morally superior? (Does not Berkowitz feel superior to those who feel superior
to Bush?) Perhaps some of the liberals do feel virtuous in condemning Bush, but
there must be something else at work. How hard is it, after all, to feel
morally superior to a person who claimed that Texas had the right to execute
mentally retarded inmates on death row? Bush is too easy of a target for that.
The millions of Americans who "strongly
disapprove" of President Bush (many who voted for him) suspect that there
is something entirely new here, and something much uglier than the traditional
mudslinging between conservatives and liberals. How disappointing, ultimately,
to hear a seasoned political scientist fall into the false right-left paradigm,
when, in fact, the construction of tyranny depends upon an alternation between
right and left, between authoritarianism or neo-fascism on the one hand (the
neo-cons) and nanny-state socialism on the other (the neo-libs).
It makes more sense to conceive of American politics today
as a contest between liberty and tyranny, and not between left and right. Perhaps
the degree of hatred towards Bush is an indication that -- ever so slowly --
Americans are drawing new battle lines.
Andrew
Bosworth, Ph.D., is an assistant professor of Government at the University of
Texas at Brownsville.