Just when you
thought those big-time crooks from corporate business were getting a taste of
their own medicine, a full frontal
attack on the Sarbanes-Oxley Act is being planned.
That landmark
post-Enron legislation placed major auditing and governance requirements on
companies, and also put some teeth into the interpretation of malfeasance by
the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).
Now crybaby
business and its godfathers in the Bush administration want to us to forget
Enron, Tyco, Global Crossing, et al, and the fabulous philanderers who brought
the whirlwind down on their massive corruption. Let’s review. Ex-WorldCom chief
exec Bernard
Ebbers got 25 years in March 2005 for his role in orchestrating the biggest corporate fraud in the
nation's history.”
Ebbers
was convicted . . . for his part in the $11 billion accounting fraud at
WorldCom that was the biggest in a wave of corporate scandals at Enron, the
[cable supplier] Adelphia
and other companies. WorldCom, now known as MCI, filed the largest bankruptcy
in U.S. history in 2002. The company's collapse led to billions of dollars in
losses for shareholders and employees.
Ebbers
was convicted in March of nine felonies.
Then,
in September 2005, Tyco’s
former CFO Dennis Kozloswki Gets up to 25 years, ditto for former Tyco CFO
Mark Swartz, the latter fined $35 million, Kozlowski $70 million, total fines
and restitution $230 million, for ”their part in stealing hundreds of millions
of dollars from the manufacturing conglomerate. The former Tyco executives were ordered to start serving their sentences
immediately and were led from the courtroom in handcuffs.” Bravo!
Then, there’s my epitaph to
former CEO of Enron Jeffrey Skilling. Enron's Kenneth Lay we’ll let rest in
peace for now so we can get back to the central issue. That is, the desire of
bullish businessmen and Bushites to protect big-time bilkers from due
prosecution for super-size crimes via the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. Originally
drafted in response to these debacles by Senator Paul Sarbanes (D-Md.) and
Representative Michael G. Oxley (R-Oh.), approved by the House by a vote of
423-3, the act is a rare bi-partisan flight from corruption and greed, which a
handful of power brokers would now revisit to compromise.
Proposals Will Be Introduced After Election
Day
In fact, their
proposals will be introduced after
Election Day, just so their backers won’t loose a vote or two for their
favorite politicians. But know who they are now and what they propose. We have
Robert K. Steel, former head of the US Chamber of Commerce, sworn in last month
as new Treasury undersecretary for domestic finance, making him senior advisor
on Treasury’s views on these issues, which will predictably be Bush’s views.
A second committee
was put together by Harvard Law Professor Hal Scott, along with R. Glenn
Hubbard, a former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers for President
Bush. Add to them John L. Thornton, former president of Goldman Sachs, where he
worked with Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson, Jr.
This second group
has earned the name around DC as the Paulson Committee, because, well, the new
Treasury chief spoke enthusiastically about it when it was formed last month.
Of course, what’s good for Wall Street is good for Main Street. Or is it?
Nevertheless, the administration brushed off any chance Paulson was playing a
role in the group-think. Sure, guys, sure.
Members of the
Paulson Committee include, “Donald L. Evans, a former
commerce secretary who remains a close friend of President Bush; Samuel A.
DiPiazza, Jr., chief executive of PricewaterhouseCoopers, the accounting giant;
Robert R. Glauber, former chairman and chief executive of the National Association of Securities Dealers,
the private group that oversees the securities industry; and the chief
executives of DuPont, Office Depot and the CIT Group,” as lively a group of foxes to be
let in the henhouse on any given day.
In fact, Mr.
Paulson leaned on the groups to gather in discussion and finish their work to
roll it out right after November elections. Their goal, committee members
claim, is to limit what they see as “overzealous state prosecutions by such
figures as the New York State Attorney General [and now Governor-elect] Elliot
Spitzer and abusive class action lawsuits by investors.” And of course, the
groups will want to cut what they see as “excessive costs associated with the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act,” so that crime pays again and not that law-breakers pay for
their crimes, in keeping with their magnitude.
Fortunately,
critics see this as a chance for Bush & Company to heel to the well-heeled,
and shield connected companies from the shock of prosecution, despite the costs
to investors for like companies’ misguided forays, especially those like Enron
and the late “Kenny Boy” Lay, whose turn at the helm bankrupted thousands of
investors, thousands of employees’ retirement or profit sharing plans.
This is not to
mention Lay’s efforts on the Bush/Cheney Energy Commission, which, among other
things, helped bankrupt California by manipulating energy prices upwards,
thereby unseating Governor Gray Davis as the culprit (he wasn’t), and vetting
Arnold Schwarzenegger as governor before Davis even finished his term. Talk
about tampering with the system. And people like this should walk away with
lesser penalties.
In fact, I thought
Spitzer’s fine of $1 billion dollars to AIG for bid-rigging was a slap on the
wrist, considering the billions of dollars the company takes in profit, and
that its subsidiary Marsh McLennan ended paying off $800 million or more of the
fine.
Culpable Individuals Rather Than Corrupt
Corporations?
One proposal of the
Bush committees is that only “culpable individuals” be prosecuted rather than
corporations and auditing firms. Well, that has been the going-in philosophy,
but when the “culpable” tend to come in multiples throughout companies, as in
the Arthur Anderson debacle, it just may be necessary that the whole nest needs
to go. Do we go after one mobster and not send entire mobs to jail under the
RICO act, citing them for group conspiracies to defraud? Why should the
white-collar criminals get a better deal?
Mr. Paulson
actually had the audacity to criticize the Sarbanes-Oxley law, at Columbia
University’s Business School, saying it contributed to “an atmosphere that has
made it more burdensome for companies to operate.” Well, ta, ta. They are big
smart boys. Teach them to operate honestly, transparently, without salivating
with unmitigated greed. Hopefully, that won’t be “burdensome.” His capper was,
“Often the pendulum swings too far and we need to go through a period of
readjustment.”
Think of the French
Revolution, Mr. Paulson, when the pendulum of ire swung against courtly greed
and corruption so far that it turned into a guillotine and heads fell. Remember
history, Hegel, the dialectic at work, abuse creating its counterpart in
correctional magnitude. In fact, some experts see Paulson’s whine as a step
backward. I would say so.
James D. Cox,
securities and corporate law professor at Duke Law School, rightly said, ”This
is an escalation of the culture war against regulation.” And he correctly
added, it “would be a dark day for investors.” Cox who as The Times noted studied 600 class action lawsuits over the last
decade, said it was difficult to find “abusive or malicious” cases, especially
given new laws and court decisions making it harder to file such suits.
He argued that the
amount of securities class action lawsuits dropped substantially in each of the
last two years, and that the real net result of the proposals from the business
groups would be that “very few people would be prosecuted.”
On the other side
of the aisle, Mr. Hubbard, now dean of the Columbia Business School, said that
the committee he aids would hone in on the lack of proper economic regulation.
His questionable answer was that “the current political environment is simply
not ripe for legislation.” I don’t know about that. There are overly
pro-business types on the Democratic aisle as well as among the mass of
Republicans.
Improving “Attractiveness” of US Capital
Markets?
The committees’
view was to improve the attractiveness (i.e., put some lipstick on this pig) by
“scaling back” rules whose costs outweigh their benefits to American
capital-raising markets,” which is just another way to say give theft a chance,
give the scaly a mere “scaling back.”
Professor Scott,
director of one of the committees singled out by Mr. Paulson, claimed, “We
think of the legal liability issues as the most serious ones. Companies don’t
want to use our markets because of what they see as the substantial, and in
their view excessive, liability.” Ah, so the problem has shifted to excessive
liability. Forget the substantial corruption cited in the opening paragraphs
that created the liability to protect us all, investment corporation personnel
and investors.
Members of both
committees claimed they’d reached consensus that Section 404 of S-O, along with
increased threat (god forbid) of investor lawsuits and government prosecutions
(god permit), “was discouraging foreign companies from issuing new stocks on
exchanges in the US in recent months.” In other words, our standards were
effectively protecting investors from shoddy stocks. Power to the people, I
say, a Columbia chant from years back.
This exposure to
liability, not unexpectedly, is drawing the most flack. Yet Bill Daley, former
commerce secretary in the Clinton administration and co-chair of the Chamber of
Commerce group, claimed that changes affecting accounting firms are of most
importance in stopping further decline in competition. Only four major firms
were left after Andersen’s collapse.
Well, folks. I
don’t know if that’s a plea for honesty and transparency or Washington-speak
for do what needs to be done. As in, why, I never had sex with that woman. By
my accounting it was only a b______. Tasteless? Perhaps. But so is the subtle
call to bless shoddy accounting for market expansion. If companies are built on
being totally reputable, they will become bulwarks of their industries, not the
other way around.
Professor of
securities law John C. Coffee at Columbia Law School, adviser to the Paulson
Committee, recommended that the SEC adopt the exception to Rule 10b-5, so that
only the commission could bring such lawsuits against corporations. I say if
the SEC had been doing its job in the first place, Spitzer and others would not
have had to step in and slam-dunk a number of these hot shots into huge
repayments and prison sentences. Coffee’s suggestion would be a major body
check on corporate wrongdoing.
Harvey J.
Goldschmid, a former SEC commissioner and law professor at Columbia University,
agreed: “Private enforcement is a necessary supplement to the work that the SEC
does. It is also a safety valve against the potential capture of the agency by
industry.” Amen.
One has only to
remember what Bush & Company did to Tort Reform. It offered a big payoff
for corporations by curbing the lawsuits that hold corporations accountable in
order to protect the public from the dangers of their products. This attempt to
deflate the Sarbanes-Oxley Act is more of the same, only on the corporate
governance and accounting level.
Ultimately, it is
the people who work for those companies, and the consumers of their goods and
services, that end up paying when controls are rolled back. So, too, as federal
controls on drugs, foods, safety, you name it, have been rolled back to keep
the corporate contributions rolling in, they prove to be of a single mind:
invitations to the foxes to come to the henhouse for dinner. No thanks. I like
my Sarbanes-Oxley Act tough, like the guys it’s meant to monitor.
Jerry
Mazza is a freelance writer living in New York City. Reach him at gvmaz@verizon.net.